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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:30:22 | 显示全部楼层

布莱尔为英国女王王太后去世致悼词

The Humble Address and the Prime Minister's tribute to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth, The Queen Mother [03 April 2002]

HM QUEEN ELIZABETH THE QUEEN MOTHER 4th August 1900 - 30th March 2002

Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth The Queen Mother died peacefully in her sleep on Saturday 30th March 2002, at Royal Lodge, Windsor. Queen Elizabeth was a much-loved member of the Royal Family. Her life, spanning over a century, was devoted to the service of her country, the fulfilment of her Royal duties and the support of her family.

----------------------------------------------------

Mr Speaker, I begin by moving and reading the Humble Address.

I beg to move that an Humble Address be presented to Her Majesty expressing the deep sympathies and condolences of this House on the death of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth, The Queen Mother, whose life was given unstintingly in devoted public service to the Country and the Commonwealth; who with his late Majesty King George VI rallied the nation in the darkest days of war and who in times of peace was a unifying figure for Britain, inspiring love and affection in all She met.

On Friday Her coffin will be carried in a ceremonial procession to Westminster Hall, where it will Lie-in-State until the evening of Monday, 8 April. Members of the public will be able to pay their respects there prior to the funeral, which will take place at 1130am on Tuesday, 9 April in Westminster Abbey.

Mr. Speaker, I know that the whole House will join with me in paying tribute to The Queen Mother, who for almost a century was part of our lives, inspired our country, aroused its respect and affection and for whose service and life we give our profound thanks.

Part of the fascination with The Queen Mother was the sheer span of history She encompassed, not just the great events of the 20th century, its wars, the ideologies that came and went, but its technological and scientific discoveries, its vastly changing culture. 1801 compared to 1701 was no doubt very different. But 2001 compared to 1901 seems an historic age apart and yet She saw it and experienced it all.

She was born during the Boer War, in an era virtually free from the motor car, a time when, She once remembered, a dairyman still often stood with his cow selling milk near the gates of Buckingham Palace. Yet at the end of Her life, thousands of people sent e-mails of condolence to the royal website.

The Titanic sailed and sank when She was 11. World War I broke out on Her fourteenth birthday. Her first child was born in 1926, the year that television was invented. She was the last Empress of India. In 1986 She became the oldest person to bear the title of Queen in the history of the British monarchy. And in all She saw 20 different Prime Ministers pass through Downing Street. One of my best memories of Her is sitting with Her at Balmoral, as She told me of Her personal recollections not just of Churchill and Attlee, but of Asquith, Lloyd George and Baldwin.

Undoubtedly this long perspective brought stability to the monarchy and to the country. But the respect She received, the outpouring of affection accorded Her death, is not the result simply or even principally of Her long life. She could have lived over 100 years and made little mark. The tributes could have been a ritual.

But they weren't. They were genuine and heartfelt and from young and old, from all classes, all backgrounds, all walks of life. And that was because of the person She was, not the rank She held. She came to embody what was best about our past and She made us most optimistic about our future.

She never expected to become Queen - despite being told She would be, by a fortune teller, as a child. It was only after the abdication of Edward VIII that Her husband became King George VI. In 1936, during the abdication crisis, She wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury that "I can hardly believe that we have been called to the tremendous task ... the curious thing is that we are not afraid."

Her husband had seen active service in the Navy. She had never anticipated the role of Queen. Both had led lives reasonably broad in experience and in meeting people. And the War was to prove that fate had chosen well for Britain. Hitler, watching a newsreel clip of her laying a poppy at a First World War memorial and noticing Her poise and spirit, is said to have dubbed Her "the most dangerous woman in Europe." King George and Queen Elizabeth rallied the nation magnificently during the War's worst hours and days. Her refusal to leave London is now legendary. A clue as to why can be found in what She wrote at the time after visiting the East End: "I feel quite exhausted after seeing and hearing so much sadness, sorrow, heroism and magnificent spirit. The destruction is so awful, and the people so wonderful they deserve a better world." She spent nights in air raid shelters, and took revolver-shooting lessons in the grounds of the palace.

Her spirit and the British spirit became inseparably intertwined.

She was a unifying figure too because She personified the diversity and unity of Britain and the Commonwealth. She considered herself a Scot, and was proud of it - a descendant of Scottish royalty, She spent a lot of time from an early age at Her family's estates in Scotland. She was never happier than when at Her home at the Castle of Mey in Caithness, or fly fishing in Scotland's rivers. During a visit to South Africa in 1946 She met an old Boer veteran who told her bitterly, "I can never forgive what the English did to my people." The Queen replied: "Oh, I do so understand. We in Scotland often feel just the same."

In all Her work She was motivated by the most powerful sense of duty and service. She believed that the Royal Family's duty was to serve the nation, and She carried out that role with total and selfless devotion - even after She had suffered the loss of Her beloved husband.

She was still carrying out 130 engagements a year at the age of 80 and even over 50 at the age of 100. She has been involved, often as patron or president, in well over 300 charities, voluntary bodies and other organisations. She served the British Legion, for example, throughout almost its whole existence, nearly 80 years.

We should remember The Queen Mother for Her great sense of fun and Her zest for life. Her enthusiasm and humour shone through in all She did, whether handing out shamrocks to the Irish Guards on St Patrick's Day, inspecting the Chelsea pensioners, or indulging Her lifelong and very serious passion for horseracing.

Her infectious sense of fun could charm even opponents. The veteran anti-monarchist and former MP, Willie Hamilton, said on Her 80th Birthday: "I am glad to salute a remarkable old lady. Long may She live to be the pride of Her family. And may God understand and forgive me if I have been ensnared and corrupted - if only briefly - by this superb old trouper."

Not only did She enjoy life to the full, She helped others to do so. Her longevity and vitality in old age gave hope to older people everywhere. Commenting on Her extraordinary vigour and gaiety - She was still dancing well into her 90s - She once said: "I love life, that's my secret."

As HRH Prince Charles has said, She was "the original life enhancer ... gloriously unstoppable."

Our thoughts and prayers are with all the Royal Family and especially with Her Majesty The Queen, who has in the space of a few weeks so cruelly suffered the loss of both Her sister and mother. The Queen has borne it with Her customary dignity, continuing to serve the nation even while grieving.

We have seen in the very many moving and memorable tributes that have been paid to Her Majesty The Queen Mother, the recurring themes of Her love of life, Her warmth and humour, Her love of country, above all Her devotion to duty. It is the belief in duty that captures Her spirit best. Yet it is not duty in an arid or formal sense. She enjoyed life, lived it and loved it to the full. Yet She showed how it could be lived and loved whilst not for one moment compromising Her commitment to duty. It is that combination of high integrity and simple humanity that made Her not just respected but loved. There is nothing false or complicated about the public response to Her death. It's the simplest of equations. She loved Her country and Her country loved Her.

For that, for the life of HM Queen Elizabeth The Queen Mother, we give our thanks and praise.

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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:31:27 | 显示全部楼层

圣诞节前美国总统发表全国广播讲话(2002)

Christmas greetings:Radio Address by the President to the Nation

December 21, 2002

THE PRESIDENT:

Good morning. As families across the nation gather to celebrate Christmas, Laura and I want to extend our best wishes for the holidays.

We hope that this Christmas will be a time of happiness in your home, and a time of peace in the world. In this season, we celebrate with our families and deeply miss love ones who are no longer with us. Thousands of families in our nation are still grieving over the terrible losses that came to them last year on September the 11th. We have not forgotten their loss and we continue to pray for their comfort.

The Christmas season brings a deeper concern for fellow citizens in need. Our country is prosperous, yet we must also remember there are pockets of despair in America. Some men and women are facing the struggles of illness and old age with no one to help them or pray with them. Other Americans fight against terrible addictions. Some young men have no family but a gang. Some teenage moms are abandoned and alone. And some children wonder if anybody loves them.

We all share a responsibility to help, both through our government and through individual acts of compassion. In this season of giving, I hope all Americans will look for opportunities to donate and volunteer where the need is greatest. By reaching out to a neighbor in need, we make our country a more just and generous place.

Our entire nation is also thinking at this time of year of the men and women in the military, many of whom will spend Christmas at posts and bases far from home. They stand between Americans and grave danger. They serve in the cause of peace and freedom. They wear the uniform proudly, and we are so proud of them.

I have met with these idealistic young men and women across America and around the world. I know the sacrifices they make. And in every place they serve, they can know that they have the love of their families and the gratitude of their nation.

At this time of year, we appreciate all the blessings that fill our lives, especially the great blessing that came on a holy night in Bethlehem. The Christmas story speaks to every generation. It is the story of a quiet birth in a little town on the margins of an indifferent empire. Yet that single event set the direction of history and still changes millions of lives.

For over two millennia, Christmas has carried the message that God is with us, and because he is with us we can always live in hope. The world we live in is very different from the world of ancient Bethlehem. Our need for that hope is still unchanged. In all the challenges and dangers of our day, we still seek the promise of peace on Earth.

Thank you for listening and merry Christmas

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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:32:13 | 显示全部楼层

英国首相布莱尔2003年新年贺词

Tony Blair's New Year address to the Falkland Islands December 20, 2002

New Year is traditionally a time spent in our communities with families and friends. It's a time for celebration. And a time for reflection. My own thoughts and best wishes are with you and with our armed forces who - away from their own families at this special time of year - do so much for us around the world, to defend our rights and promote peace, security, and justice. I was delighted to learn that you hold the British forces in the Falklands in such high regard that you honoured them with the Freedom of the Falkland Islands during this, the 20th anniversary year of the conflict.

This year in particular has provided an opportunity for remembrance of all who lost their lives in the conflict. The commemoration events have touched many on the Islands and beyond, culminating in the Duke of York's recent visit and his personal gesture of reconciliation in laying wreaths at both the British and Argentine cemeteries. The ground was of course prepared beforehand in a profound gesture of reconciliation by your Government earlier in the year in their approval of plans for a memorial to the Argentine war dead at Darwin.

Events such as these, and the personal pilgrimage by members of the South Atlantic Medal Association in November, have also highlighted the close bonds between those who fought in the conflict and those who endured it.

The Falkland Islands have a bright future. This year the international community has seen that the Falklands is a prosperous, vibrant and self-confident community. Your new Governor has spoken of an entrepreneurial spirit in the Islands - of new opportunities, and of young people eager to return after completing their education in the United Kingdom. You recognise the importance of economic diversification.

The Islands Plan provides an admirable strategy for the continued development of a sustainable economy, protection of the environment, and improvements to your quality of life. You have achieved so much in recent years and I am sure that your prudent management of affairs will continue to provide a secure platform for future generations.

The United Kingdom's relations with Argentina are good and we continue to work to improve them. I therefore hope that practical cooperation and mutual understanding between the Falklands and Argentina can be further developed where this is in the interests of the Islands and in accordance with the wishes of the people.

But I recognise that the partnership between the Falkland Islands and the United Kingdom is vital to your continued prosperity and security and that your confidence in dealing with your neighbours will be enhanced in the secure knowledge of the guarantees I have given of my Government's commitment to your self-determination and sovereignty.

Let me finish by wishing you and your families a peaceful and happy New Year.

 

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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:32:58 | 显示全部楼层

美国总统布什2003年新年贺词

President Bush Issues New Year's Day Proclamation December 31, 2002

President Bush: The past year has been a time of achievement, progress, and renewed hope for the American people. As our citizens continue to demonstrate a spirit of resolve and unity, we are building a culture of service, citizenship, and responsibility that strengthens our country and offers hope to those in need. To counter new threats, we are enhancing security at home, and we are part of the global coalition against terrorism that has made significant progress in opposing the forces of tyranny and oppression.

We will continue our efforts to secure America, win the war on terrorism, focus on education, promote compassion, create new jobs, and ensure the economic security of all our citizens. As we move forward into the New Year, I encourage all Americans to give thanks to the Almighty for His many blessings, and to join with me in reaffirming our commitment to helping people around the world achieve peace and freedom.

At the dawn of this New Year, America is a land of justice, liberty, and tolerance. We will work together to build on our successes and embrace the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead.

Laura joins me in sending our best wishes for a Happy New Year. May God bless you, and may God continue to bless the United States.

GEORGE W. BUSH

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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:33:42 | 显示全部楼层

亚伯拉罕.林肯在葛底斯堡的演说

The Gettysburg Address by President Lincoln 1863年11月19日

Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to theproposition that all men are created equal. Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation soconceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth."

Abraham Lincoln

  87年前,我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。

  但是,从更广泛的意义上来说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;我们要在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲;我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

亚伯拉罕.林肯

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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:35:02 | 显示全部楼层

I have a Dream我有一个梦想 by Martin Luther King, Jr.小马丁·路德·金

August 28, 1963

马丁·路德·金(公元1929—1968年),美国黑人律师,著名黑人民权运动领袖。一生曾三次被捕,三次被行刺,1964年获诺贝尔和平奖。1968年被种族主义分子枪杀。他被誉为近百年来八大最具有说服力的演说家之一。1963年他领导25万人向华盛顿进军“大游行”,为黑人争取自由平等和就业。马丁·路德·金在游行集会上发表了这篇著名演说。

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

100年前,一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布,对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴,犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔,恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。

But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

然而,100年后,黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后,黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后,黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后,黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣,依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以,我们今天来到这里,要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 从某种意义上说,我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时,就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。 It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

然而,今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务,而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是,我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。 So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. 因此,我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。 We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国:现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷,踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙,踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

忽视这一时刻的紧迫性,对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来,黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束,而是一个开端。 Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. 如果国家依然我行我素,那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前,美国既不会安宁,也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石,直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. 但是,对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们,有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中,切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒,来解除对于自由的饮渴。

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。 The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神,不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到:他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连,他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。

We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. 我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时,我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人:“你们什么时候会感到满意?”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品,我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后,却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外,我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区,我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性,损毁尊严,我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举,纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干,我们就决不会满意。不,不,我们不会满意,直至公正似水奔流,正义如泉喷涌。

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. 我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜,历尽苦难。继续努力吧,要相信:无辜受苦终得拯救。

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

回到密西西比去吧;回到亚拉巴马去吧;回到南卡罗来纳去吧;回到佐治亚去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道,这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。

I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

朋友们,今天我要对你们说,尽管眼下困难重重,但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."

我梦想有一天,这个国家将会奋起,实现其立国信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理不言而喻:人人生而平等。”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

我梦想有一天,在佐治亚州的红色山岗上,昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐,亲如手足。

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州,也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。

I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

我梦想有一天,我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色,而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。

I have a dream today.

我今天怀有一个梦。

I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. 我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里,黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。

I have a dream today. 我今天怀有一个梦。

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. 我梦想有一天,深谷弥合,高山夷平,歧路化坦途,曲径成通衢,上帝的光华再现,普天下生灵共谒。

This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. 这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念,我们就能绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念,我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声,变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念,我们就能一同工作,一同祈祷,一同斗争,一同入狱,一同维护自由,因为我们知道,我们终有一天会获得自由。

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." 从到了这一天,上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌:

我的祖国, 可爱的自由之邦, 我为您歌唱。 这是我祖先终老的地方, 这是早期移民自豪的地方, 让自由之声, 响彻每一座山岗。

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. 如果美国要成为伟大的国家,这一点必须实现。因此,让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰!

让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭!

让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰!

让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山!

让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰!

不,不仅如此;让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山!

让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山!

让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰,一个个土丘!

让自由之声响彻每一个山岗!

When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!" 当我们让自由之声轰响,当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄,每一个州府城镇,我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时,上帝的所有孩子,黑人和白人,犹太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌:“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由了!”

我是深圳派2!Yeah!请笑对每一天哦,因为哪里都有阳光!:)
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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:35:46 | 显示全部楼层

向日本宣战(美国总统罗斯福)

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT'S PEARL HARBOR SPEECH Declaration of War December 8, 1941

To the Congress of the United States:

Yesterday, Dec. 7, 1941 - a date which will live in infamy - the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. Very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.

Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.

Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.

Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.

With confidence in our armed forces - with the unbounding determination of our people - we will gain the inevitable triumph - so help us God.

I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec. 7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

 

要求国会对日本宣战 富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福

副总统先生、议长先生、各位参议员和众议员: 昨天,1941年12月7日,将成为我国的国耻日。美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海、空军有预谋的突然袭击。 在此之前,美国同日本处于和平状态,并应日本之请同该国政府及天皇谈判,指望维持太平洋区域的和平。 日本空军部队在美国的瓦胡岛。开始轰炸一小时后,日本驻美大使及其同僚居然还向美国国务卿递交正式复函,回答美国最近致日本的一封函件。这份复函虽然声言目前的外交谈判已无继续之必要,但却未有威胁的言词,也没有暗示将发动战争或采取军事行动。 夏威夷岛距日本的距离说明此次袭击显然是许多天前甚至几星期前所策划的,此事将记录在案。在此期间,日本政府有意用虚伪的声明和表示继续保持和平的愿望欺骗美国。   日本昨天对夏威夷群岛的袭击,给美国海、陆军造成了严重的破坏。我遗憾地告诉你们:许许多多美国人被炸死。同时,据报告,若干艘美国船只在旧金山与火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上被水雷击中。 昨天,日本政府还发动了对马来亚的袭击。 昨夜日本部队袭击了香港。 昨夜日本部队袭击了关岛。 昨夜日本部队袭击了菲律宾群岛。 昨夜日本部队袭击了威克岛。 今晨日本人袭击了中途岛。 这样,日本就在整个太平洋区域发动了全面的突然袭击。昨天和今天的情况已说明了事实的真相。美国人民已经清楚地了解到这是关系我国存亡安危的问题。 作为海、陆军总司令,我已指令采取一切手段进行防御。 我们将永远记住对我们这次袭击的性质。 无论需要多长时间去击败这次预谋的侵略,美国人民正义在手,有力量夺取彻底的胜利。 我保证我们将完全确保我们的安全,确保我们永不再受到这种背信弃义行为的危害,我相信这话说出了国会和人民的意志。 大敌当前,我国人民、领土和利益正处于极度危险的状态,我们决不可稍有懈怠。 我们相信我们的军队、我们的人民有无比坚定的决心,因此,胜利必定属于我们。愿上帝保佑我们。 我要求国会宣布:由于日本在1941年12月7日星期日对我国无故进行卑鄙的袭击,美国同日本已经处于战争状态。

我是深圳派2!Yeah!请笑对每一天哦,因为哪里都有阳光!:)
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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:36:33 | 显示全部楼层

我们该选择死亡吗?(伯特兰·罗素)

Shall We Choose Death?
Bertrand Russell伯特兰·罗素 December 30, 1954

I am speaking not as a Briton, not as a European, not as a member of a western democracy, but as a human being, a member of the species Man, whose continued existence is in doubt. The world is full of conflicts: Jews and Arabs; Indians and Pakistanis; white men and Negroes in Africa; and, overshadowing all minor conflicts, the titanic struggle between communism and anticommunism.

Almost everybody who is politically conscious has strong feelings about one or more of these issues; but I want you, if you can, to set aside such feelings for the moment and consider yourself only as a member of a biological species which has had a remarkable history and whose disappearance none of us can desire. I shall try to say no single word which should appeal to one group rather than to another. All, equally, are in peril, and, if the peril is understood, there is hope that they may collectively avert it. We have to learn to think in a new way. We have to learn to ask ourselves not what steps can be taken to give military victory to whatever group we prefer, for there no longer are such steps. The question we have to ask ourselves is: What steps can be taken to prevent a military contest of which the issue must be disastrous to all sides?

The general public, and even many men in positions of authority, have not realized what would be involved in a war with hydrogen bombs. The general public still thinks in terms of the obliteration of cities. It is understood that the new bombs are more powerful than the old and that, while one atomic bomb could obliterate Hiroshima, one hydrogen bomb could obliterate the largest cities such as London, New York, and Moscow. No doubt in a hydrogen-bomb war great cities would be obliterated. But this is one of the minor disasters that would have to be faced. If everybody in London, New York, and Moscow were exterminated, the world might, in the course of a few centuries, recover from the blow. But we now know, especially since the Bikini test, that hydrogen bombs can gradually spread destruction over a much wider area than had been supposed. It is stated on very good authority that a bomb can now be manufactured which will be 25,000 times as powerful as that which destroyed Hiroshima. Such a bomb, if exploded near the ground or under water, sends radioactive particles into the upper air. They sink gradually and reach the surface of the earth in the form of a deadly dust or rain. It was this dust which infected the Japanese fishermen and their catch of fish although they were outside what American experts believed to be the danger zone. No one knows how widely such lethal radioactive particles might be diffused, but the best authorities are unanimous in saying that a war with hydrogen bombs is quite likely to put an end to the human race. It is feared that if many hydrogen bombs are used there will be universal death - sudden only for a fortunate minority, but for the majority a slow torture of disease and disintegration...

Here, then, is the problem which I present to you, stark and dreadful and inescapable: Shall we put an end to the human race1 or shall mankind renounce war? People will not face this alternative because it is so difficult to abolish war. The abolition of war will demand distasteful limitations of national sovereignty. But what perhaps impedes understanding of the situation more than anything else is that the term 'mankind' feels vague and abstract. People scarcely realize in imagination that the danger is to themselves and their children and their grandchildren, and not only to a dimly apprehended humanity' And so they hope that perhaps war may be allowed to continue provided modern weapons are prohibited. I am afraid this hope is illusory. Whatever agreements not to use hydrogen bombs had been reached in time of peace, they would no longer be considered binding in time of war, and both sides would set to work to manufacture hydrogen bombs as soon as war broke out, for if one side manufactured the bombs and the other did not, the side that manufactured them would inevitably be victorious...

As geological time is reckoned, Man has so far existed only for a very short period one million years at the most. What he has achieved, especially during the last 6,000 years, is something utterly new in the history of the Cosmos, so far at least as we are acquainted with it. For countless ages the sun rose and set, the moon waxed and waned, the stars shone in the night, but it was only with the coming of Man that these things were understood. In the great world of astronomy and in the little world of the atom, Man has unveiled secrets which might have been thought undiscoverable. In art and literature and religion, some men have shown a sublimity of feeling which makes the species worth preserving. Is all this to end in trivial horror because so few are able to think of Man rather than of this or that group of men? Is our race so destitute of wisdom, so incapable of impartial love, so blind even to the simplest dictates of self-preservation, that the last proof of its silly cleverness is to be the extermination of all life on our planet? - for it will be not only men who will perish, but also the animals, whom no one can accuse of communism or anticommunism.

I cannot believe that this is to be the end. I would have men forget their quarrels for a moment and reflect that, if they will allow themselves to survive, there is every reason to expect the triumphs of the future to exceed immeasurably the triumphs of the past. There lies before us, if we choose, continual progress in happiness, knowledge, and wisdom. Shall we, instead, choose death, because we cannot forget our quarrels? I appeal, as a human being to human beings: remember your humanity, and forget the rest. If you can do so, the way lies open to a new Paradise; if you cannot, nothing lies before you but universal death.

  我不是作为一个英国人、一个欧洲人、一个西方民主国家的一员,而是作为一个人,作为不知是否还能继续生存下去的人类的一员在讲演。世界充满了争斗:犹太人和阿拉伯人;印度人和巴勒斯坦人;非洲的白人和黑人;以及使所有的小冲突都相形见绌的共产主义和反共产主义之间的大搏斗。

  差不多每个有政治意识的人都对这类问题怀有强烈的感受;但是我希望你们,如果你们能够的话,把这份感受暂搁一边,并把自己只看作一种具有非凡历史、谁也不希望它灭亡的生物的一员。可能会迎合一群人而冷落另一群人的词语,我将努力一个字都不说。所有的人,不分彼此,都处在危险之中;如果大家都看到了这种危险,那么就有希望联合起来避开它。我们必须学习新的思想方法。我们必须学习不自问能采取什么措施来使我们所喜欢的人群获得军事上的胜利,因为不再有这样的措施。我们必须自问的问题是:能采取什么措施来避免必然会给各方造成灾难的军事竞赛?

  普通群众,甚至许多当权人士,不清楚一场氢弹战所包含的会是什么。普通群众仍旧从城市的毁灭上思考问题。不言而喻,新炸弹比旧炸弹更具威力——一颗原弹能毁灭广岛,而一颗氢弹能毁灭像伦敦、纽约和菲斯科这样的大都市。毫无疑问,一场氢弹战将会毁灭大城市。但这只是世界必须面对的小灾难中的一个。假如化敦人、纽约人和莫斯科人都灭绝了,世界可能要经过几个世纪才能从这场灾难中恢复过来。而我们现在,尤其是从比基尼核试验以来很清楚:氢弹能够逐渐把破坏力扩散到一个比预料要广大得多的地区。据非常权威的人士说,现在能够制造出一种炸弹,其威力比毁灭广岛的炸弹大2.5万倍。这种炸弹如果在近地或水下爆炸,会把放射性微粒送入高层大气。这些微粒逐渐降落,呈有毒灰尘或毒雨的状态到达地球表面。正是这种灰尘使日本渔民和他们所捕获的鱼受到了感染,尽管他们并不在美国专家所确认的危险区之内。没有人知道这种致命的放射性微粒怎么会传播得这么广,但是这个领域的最高权威一致表示:一场氢弹战差不多就是灭绝人类的代名词。如果许多氢弹被使用,死神恐怕就会降临全球——只有少数幸运者才会突然死亡,大多数人却须忍受疾病和解体的慢性折磨……   这里,我要向你提起一个直率的、令人不快而又无法回避的问题:我们该消灭人类,还是人类该抛弃战争?人们不愿面对这个抉择,因为消灭战争太难了。消灭战争要求限制国家主权,这令人反感。然而“人类”这个专门名词给人们的感觉是模糊、抽象的,它可能比任何其他东西都更容易妨碍认识这种形势。人们几乎没有用自己的想象力去认识这种危险不仅指向他们所模模糊糊理解的人类,而且指向他们自己和他们的子子孙孙。于是他们相信只要禁止使用现代武器,也许可以允许战争继续下去。恐怕这个愿望只是幻想。任何不使用氢弹的协定是在和平时期达成的,在战争时期这种协定就被认为是没有约束力的,一旦战争爆发,双方就会着手制造氢弹,因为如果一方制造氢弹而另一方不造的话,造氢弹的一方必然会取胜……   按照地质年代来计算,人类到目前为止只存在了一个极短的时期——最多100万年。在至少就我们所了解的宇宙而言,人类在特别是最近6000年里所达到的认识,在宇宙史上是一些全新的东西。太阳升升落落,月亮盈盈亏亏,夜空星光闪烁,无数岁月就这样过去了,只是到人类出现以后,这些才被理解。在天文学的宏观世界和原子的微观世界,人类揭示了原先可能认为无法提示的秘密。在艺术、文学和宗教领域里,一些人显示了一种崇高的感情,它使人们懂得人类是值得保全的。难道因为很少有人能考虑整个人类多于这个或那个人群,这一切就会在毫无价值的恐怖行动中结束吗?人类是否如此缺少智慧,如此缺少无私的爱,如此盲目,甚至连自我保存的最简单命令都听不见,以致要用灭绝地球上的所有生命来最后证明它那缺乏理智的小聪明?——因为不驻人会被消灭,而且动物也会被消灭,没有人能指责它们是共产主义或反共产主义。

  我无法相信结局会是这样。人们如果想让自己生存下去,他们就应暂时忘掉争吵,进行反省,人们有千万条理由期待未来的成就极大地超过以往的成就,如果让我们选择,那么擂在我们面前的有幸福、知识和智慧的持续增长。我们能因为无法忘掉争吵而舍此去选择死亡吗?作为一个人,我向所有的人呼吁:记住你们的人性,忘掉其余的一切。如果你们能这样做,通向一个新的天堂的路就畅通无阻;如果你们做不到这一点,摆在你们面前的就只有全世界的毁灭。

我是深圳派2!Yeah!请笑对每一天哦,因为哪里都有阳光!:)
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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:39:28 | 显示全部楼层

美国人代表什么?

罗斯福总统内务部部长1941年面对纳粹德国的侵略发表演讲 美国人代表什么? What is an American ?
Harold Ickes May 18, 1941

This remarkable speech was delivered during an "I am an American" day meeting in New York's Central Park by Harold Ickes, President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Secretary of the Interior. It came at a perilous moment in history, May of 1941, when Adolf Hitler and the Nazis seemed headed toward possible world domination. By this time, countries that had fallen to the Nazis included: Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Denmark, France, Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and areas in North Africa. Airfields and cities in England were now under ferocious air attack from the German Luftwaffe while wolf-packs of Nazi U-boats attempted to blockade the British Isles.

Many Americans, however, still questioned the wisdom and necessity of direct U.S. involvement in the European War. Pacifist sentiment was growing, while at the same time Fascism was sometimes referred to as the "wave of the future" by respected Americans, amid the onslaught of effective anti-democratic Fascist propaganda.

In this speech, Harold Ickes counters that propaganda, defines what it means to be a free American, and offers a blunt assessment of the perilous future the U.S. would face standing alone against a victorious Hitler.


 

Harold Ickes: I want to ask a few simple questions. And then I shall answer them.

What has happened to our vaunted idealism? Why have some of us been behaving like scared chickens? Where is the million-throated, democratic voice of America?

For years it has been dinned into us that we are a weak nation; that we are an inefficient people; that we are simple-minded. For years we have been told that we are beaten, decayed, and that no part of the world belongs to us any longer.

Some amongst us have fallen for this carefully pickled tripe. Some amongst us have fallen for this calculated poison. Some amongst us have begun to preach that the "wave of the future" has passed over us and left us a wet, dead fish.

They shout--from public platforms in printed pages, through the microphones--that it is futile to oppose the "wave of the future." They cry that we Americans, we free Americans nourished on Magna Carta and the Declaration of Independence, hold moth-eaten ideas. They exclaim that there is no room for free men in the world any more and that only the slaves will inherit the earth. America--the America of Washington and Jefferson and Lincoln and Walt Whitman--they say, is waiting for the undertaker and all the hopes and aspirations that have gone into the making of America are dead too.

However, my fellow citizens, this is not the real point of the story. The real point--the shameful point--is that many of us are listening to them and some of us almost believe them.

I say that it is time for the great American people to raise its voice and cry out in mighty triumph what it is to be an American. And why it is that only Americans, with the aid of our brave allies--yes, let's call them "allies"--the British, can and will build the only future worth having. I mean a future, not of concentration camps, not of physical torture and mental straitjackets, not of sawdust bread or of sawdust Caesars--I mean a future when free men will live free lives in dignity and in security.

This tide of the future, the democratic future, is ours. It is ours if we show ourselves worthy of our culture and of our heritage.

But make no mistake about it; the tide of the democratic future is not like the ocean tide--regular, relentless, and inevitable. Nothing in human affairs is mechanical or inevitable. Nor are Americans mechanical. They are very human indeed.

What constitutes an American? Not color nor race nor religion. Not the pedigree of his family nor the place of his birth. Not the coincidence of his citizenship. Not his social status nor his bank account. Not his trade nor his profession. An American is one who loves justice and believes in the dignity of man. An American is one who will fight for his freedom and that of his neighbor. An American is one who will sacrifice property, ease and security in order that he and his children may retain the rights of free men. An American is one in whose heart is engraved the immortal second sentence of the Declaration of Independence.

Americans have always known how to fight for their rights and their way of life. Americans are not afraid to fight. They fight joyously in a just cause.

We Americans know that freedom, like peace, is indivisible. We cannot retain our liberty if three-fourths of the world is enslaved. Brutality, injustice and slavery, if practiced as dictators would have them, universally and systematically, in the long run would destroy us as surely as a fire raging in our nearby neighbor's house would burn ours if we didn't help to put out his.

If we are to retain our own freedom, we must do everything within our power to aid Britain. We must also do everything to restore to the conquered peoples their freedom. This means the Germans too.

Such a program, if you stop to think, is selfishness on our part. It is the sort of enlightened selfishness that makes the wheels of history go around. It is the sort of enlightened selfishness that wins victories.

Do you know why? Because we cannot live in the world alone, without friends and without allies. If Britain should be defeated, then the totalitarian undertaker will prepare to hang crepe on the door of our own independence.

Perhaps you wonder how this could come about? Perhaps you have heard "them"--the wavers of the future--cry, with calculated malice, that even if Britain were defeated we could live alone and defend ourselves single handed, even against the whole world.

I tell you that this is a cold blooded lie.

We would be alone in the world, facing an unscrupulous military-economic bloc that would dominate all of Europe, all of Africa, most of Asia, and perhaps even Russia and South America. Even to do that, we would have to spend most of our national income on tanks and guns and planes and ships. Nor would this be all. We would have to live perpetually as an armed camp, maintaining a huge standing army, a gigantic air force, two vast navies. And we could not do this without endangering our freedom, our democracy, our way of life.

Perhaps such is the America "they"--the wavers of the future--foresee. Perhaps such is the America that a certain aviator, with his contempt for democracy, would prefer. Perhaps such is the America that a certain Senator desires. Perhaps such is the America that a certain mail order executive longs for.

But a perpetually militarized, isolated and impoverished America is not the America that our fathers came here to build.

It is not the America that has been the dream and the hope of countless generations in all parts of the world.

It is not the America that one hundred and thirty million of us would care to live in.

The continued security of our country demands that we aid the enslaved millions of Europe--yes, even of Germany--to win back their liberty and independence. I am convinced that if we do not embark upon such a program we will lose our own freedom.

We should be clear on this point. What is convulsing the world today is not merely another old-fashioned war. It is a counter revolution against our ideas and ideals, against our sense of justice and our human values.

Three systems today compete for world domination. Communism, fascism, and democracy are struggling for social-economic-political world control. As the conflict sharpens, it becomes clear that the other two, fascism and communism, are merging into one. They have one common enemy, democracy. They have one common goal, the destruction of democracy.

This is why this war is not an ordinary war. It is not a conflict for markets or territories. It is a desperate struggle for the possession of the souls of men.

This is why the British are not fighting for themselves alone. They are fighting to preserve freedom for mankind. For the moment, the battleground is the British Isles. But they are fighting our war; they are the first soldiers in trenches that are also our front-line trenches.

In this world war of ideas and of loyalties we believers in democracy must do two things. We must unite our forces to form one great democratic international. We must offer a clear program to freedom-loving peoples throughout the world.

Freedom-loving men and women in every land must organize and tighten their ranks. The masses everywhere must be helped to fight their oppressors and conquerors.

We, free, democratic Americans are in a position to help. We know that the spirit of freedom never dies. We know that men have fought and bled for freedom since time immemorial. We realize that the liberty-loving German people are only temporarily enslaved. We do not doubt that the Italian people are looking forward to the appearance of another Garibaldi. We know how the Poles have for centuries maintained a heroic resistance against tyranny. We remember the brave struggle of the Hungarians under Kossuth and other leaders. We recall the heroic figure of Masaryk and the gallant fight for freedom of the Czech people. The story of the Yugoslavs', especially the Serbs' blows for liberty and independence is a saga of extraordinary heroism. The Greeks will stand again at Thermopylae, as they have in the past. The annals of our American sister-republics, too, are glorious with freedom-inspiring exploits. The noble figure of Simon Bolivar, the great South American liberator, has naturally been compared with that of George Washington.

No, liberty never dies. The Genghis Khans come and go. The Attilas come and go. The Hitlers flash and sputter out. But freedom endures.

Destroy a whole generation of those who have known how to walk with heads erect in God's free air, and the next generation will rise against the oppressors and restore freedom. Today in Europe, the Nazi Attila may gloat that he has destroyed democracy. He is wrong. In small farmhouses all over Central Europe, in the shops of Germany and Italy, on the docks of Holland and Belgium, freedom still lives in the hearts of men. It will endure like a hardy tree gone into the wintertime, awaiting the spring.

And, like spring, spreading from the South into Scandinavia, the democratic revolution will come. And men with democratic hearts will experience comradeship across artificial boundaries.

These men and women, hundreds of millions of them, now in bondage or threatened with slavery, are our comrades and our allies. They are only waiting for our leadership and our encouragement, for the spark that we can supply.

These hundreds of millions, of liberty-loving people, now oppressed, constitute the greatest sixth column in history. They have the will to destroy the Nazi gangsters.

We have always helped in struggles for human freedom. And we will help again. But our hundreds of millions of liberty-loving allies would despair if we did not provide aid and encouragement. The quicker we help them the sooner this dreadful revolution will be over. We cannot, we must not, we dare not delay much longer.

The fight for Britain is in its crucial stages. We must give the British everything we have. And by everything, I mean everything needed to beat the life out of our common enemy.

The second step must be to aid and encourage our friends and allies everywhere. And by everywhere I mean Europe and Asia and Africa and America.

And finally, the most important of all, we Americans must gird spiritually for the battle. We must dispel the fog of uncertainty and vacillation. We must greet with raucous laughter the corroding arguments of our appeasers and fascists. They doubt democracy. We affirm it triumphantly so that all the world may hear:

Here in America we have something so worth living for that it is worth dying for! The so-called "wave of the future" is but the slimy backwash of the past. We have not heaved from our necks the tyrant's crushing heel, only to stretch our necks out again for its weight. Not only will we fight for democracy, we will make it more worth fighting for. Under our free institutions, we will work for the good of mankind, including Hitler's victims in Germany, so that all may have plenty and security.

We American democrats know that when good will prevails among men there will be a world of plenty and a world of security.

In the words of Winston Churchill, "Are we downhearted," No, we arc not! But someone is downhearted! Witness the terrified flight of Hess, Hitler's Number Three Man. And listen to this--listen carefully:

"The British nation can be counted upon to carry through to victory any struggle that it once enters upon no matter how long such a struggle may last or however great the sacrifices that may be necessary or whatever the means that have to be employed; and all this even though the actual military equipment at hand may be utterly inadequate when compared with that of other nations."

Do you know who wrote that? Adolf Hitler in Mein Kampf. And do you know who took down that dictation? Rudolf Hess.

We will help to make Hitler's prophecy come true. We will help brave England drive back the hordes from Hell who besiege her and then we will join for the destruction of savage and blood-thirsty dictators everywhere. But we must be firm and decisive. We must know our will and make it felt. And we must hurry.

Harold Ickes - May 18, 1941

我是深圳派2!Yeah!请笑对每一天哦,因为哪里都有阳光!:)
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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:40:35 | 显示全部楼层

拆掉这堵墙吧(美国总统里根)

Tear Down This Wall 拆掉这堵墙吧

Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate West Berlin, Germany June 12, 1987

里根最知名的演讲,就是1987年在柏林布兰登堡门下,他向苏联领导人戈尔巴乔夫呼吁道: “戈尔巴乔夫总书记,如果你想为苏联和东欧谋取和平、繁荣和自由的话,到这扇大门这 儿来吧,打开这扇大门,拆掉这堵墙吧。”

President Ronald Reagon: Thank you very much.

Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty-four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people of this city and the world at the City Hall. Well, since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn, to Berlin. And today I, myself, make my second visit to your city.

We come to Berlin, we American presidents, because it's our duty to speak, in this place, of freedom. But I must confess, we're drawn here by other things as well: by the feeling of history in this city, more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer Paul Lincke understood something about American presidents. You see, like so many presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I d Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin. [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]

Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]

Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world. Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated from his fellow men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.

President von Weizsacker has said, "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Today I say: As long as the gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind. Yet I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.

In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told--George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."

In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West, that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium--virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.

In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty--that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.

Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany--busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there's abundance--food, clothing, automobiles--the wonderful goods of the Ku'damm. From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. The Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on--Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.]

In the 1950s, Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind--too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.

And now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.

Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace. There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.

General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!

I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent-- and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.

Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution; namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days--days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city--and the Soviets later walked away from the table.

But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then-- I invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. And because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.

我是深圳派2!Yeah!请笑对每一天哦,因为哪里都有阳光!:)
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