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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:41:01 | 显示全部楼层

As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.

While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative--research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled, Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.

In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place--a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.

In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.

Today thus represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safe, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start. Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.

And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.

To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.

With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control or other issues that call for international cooperation.

There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.

One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea--South Korea--has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West? In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life--not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence that refuses to release human energies or aspirations. Something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says yes to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin is love--love both profound and abiding.

Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront. Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw, treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere--that sphere that towers over all Berlin--the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.

As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner: "This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality." Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.

And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.

Thank you and God bless you all.

Note: The President spoke at 2:20 p.m. at the Brandenburg Gate. In his opening remarks, he referred to West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl. Prior to his remarks, President Reagan met with West German President Richard von Weizsacker and the Governing Mayor of West Berlin Eberhard Diepgen at Schloss Bellevue, President Weizsacker's official residence in West Berlin. Following the meeting, President Reagan went to the Reichstag, where he viewed the Berlin Wall from the East Balcony.

我是深圳派2!Yeah!请笑对每一天哦,因为哪里都有阳光!:)
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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:41:51 | 显示全部楼层

中华人民共和国副总理钱其琛在APEC CEO峰会开幕式上的致辞

Speech by His Excellency Qian Qichen Vice Premier of the People's Republic of China At Opening Ceremony of APEC CEO Summit 中华人民共和国副总理钱其琛在APEC CEO峰会开幕式上的致辞 (2001年10月18日,上海)

Ladies and Gentlemen,

In this golden autumn season of October, the APEC CEO Summit 2001 solemnly opens in Shanghai today. On behalf of the Chinese Government, I wish to warmly welcome all of you to Shanghai, China and also to offer cordial congratulations on the opening of APEC CEO Summit 2001.

In every APEC CEO Summit, many business leaders across the Asia-Pacific would gather together to discuss the immediate economic issues facing the Asia-Pacific region and even the world, explore development strategies for enterprises, seek better mutual understanding and make joint efforts to build the framework of cooperation. The discussion at the CEO Summit gives expression to the rich experience, wisdom and creativity of its participants. They have become a treasure house of all entrepreneurs and caught the attention of senior leaders and governments of APEC economies.

As a result of their productive efforts, business leaders in the Asia-Pacific region have not only contributed significantly to the economic prosperity and people's well-being in this region but also become an important force pushing forward economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region and the world at large. It is fair to say that the APEC CEO Summit has set up a platform for communication and cooperation, which gives expression to the long-held APEC spirit of equality and cooperation. Today, the elite of the Asia-Pacific business community meet once again in Shanghai to express their views and discuss major issues under the theme of "New Century, New Economy: Developing in Globalizing World". Chinese President Jiang Zemin and many leaders from other member economies will address the Summit. This will be an occasion under the new situation for important communication and exchanges between entrepreneurs as well as between entrepreneurs and governments. It will help increase cooperation between enterprises in the Asia-Pacific region as well as strengthen relations between the enterprises and governments.

In the new century, the trend towards economic globalization has grown stronger. The New Economy has developed at an extraordinary speed. The economic situation in the Asia-Pacific region has undergone many changes. We need to think about ways to cope with these new developments. There is no denying that economic globalization has triggered more fierce market competition worldwide. As major players in economic activities and technological innovation, enterprises are obviously under pressure from competition. However, a wider range of competition implies a wider range of cooperation at the same time. We stand for cooperation amidst competition, common development through cooperation and economic prosperity from common development, which will eventually lead to a better life for all people together.

For enterprises from different APEC economies, it is entirely possible for them to bring into play their respective comparative advantages, boost inter-regional economic and technological cooperation, optimize the allocation of resources in a wider scope and on a greater scale and achieve an all-win outcome while seeking to maximize their profits. I am confident that this Summit will help the entrepreneurs from APEC economies to unite as one, pool their wisdom and efforts, and together face the grim challenge posed by the visible slowdown of world economic growth as well as the impact on world and regional economies resulting from the 11 September terrorist attack. It will help them to explore modalities for the growth and development of enterprises in the new situation, look for ways to rejuvenate the Asia-Pacific economy and contribute their due share to stabilizing the economic situation in the Asia-Pacific and the world as a whole.

China values its friendly cooperation with other APEC economies. They are China's important partners in economic cooperation and trade. In 2000, the trade volume between China and other APEC economies reached over US$340 billion, and newly-approved introduction of foreign capital from them exceeded US$30 billion, both accounting for more than 70% of China's total foreign trade and absorbed foreign capital. China also encourages viable Chinese enterprises to invest and do business abroad and to take an active part in international competition and cooperation. Moreover, China's overseas investment has been concentrated mainly in APEC regions.

At present, China's accession to the WTO is imminent. The Chinese market and the world market will be more closely integrated. China's economic development will also depend more on its economic exchanges and cooperation with other countries and regions in the world, especially the Asia-Pacific region. An open China cannot do without the world. After its entry into the WTO, China will honor its commitments and more vigorously advance its all-directional, multi-tiered and wide-ranging opening-up. China will further open up its domestic market, increase open areas and localities, take well-measured steps to open wider in such service sectors as finance, insurance, telecom, trade and tourism and actively explore new approaches and ways to utilize foreign capital. China which is at a new historic starting point faces unprecedented opportunities for trade and investment. Here, we sincerely welcome enterprises from various economies to China to grasp business opportunity and seek even greater progress.

In retrospect over the 20th century, the Asia-Pacific region achieved remarkable economic growth. Although the growth has slowed down due to difficulties in recent years, I am sure that in the 21st century, through persistent efforts of all APEC members, the economy of the Asia-Pacific region will regain its vitality and the life of people in the region further improved. The new century and new economy are bound to bring to people new hope.

I wish the APEC CEO Summit a complete success.

Thank you all.

 

 

 

女士们,先生们:

值此金秋十月,2001年亚太经合组织工商领导人峰会今天在上海隆重开幕了。我谨代表中国政府,对各位莅临中国上海,表示热烈的欢迎;对2001年APEC CEO 峰会的召开,表示热烈的祝贺!

历次的APEC CEO峰会,都汇聚了亚太地区众多工商领导人,共商亚太地区乃至世界经济面临的现实问题,探讨企业的发展策略,增进相互的理解,共同构建合作的框架。CEO峰会的讨论,凝聚着大家的经验、智慧和创造力,成为广大企业家们共享的财富,也受到APEC 各经济体高层领导人和政府的重视。 亚太地区工商领导人通过卓有成效的努力,不但对本地区的经济繁荣和人民富裕做出了重要贡献,同时也成为推动亚太地区乃至世界范围经济合作的重要力量。可以说,APEC CEO峰会建立起了一个沟通、合作的平台,体现了APEC 一贯倡导的平等、合作精神。今天,亚太地区工商界的精英们在上海再次会聚,围绕"新世纪,新经济:在全球化中发展"这一主题,各抒己见,共商大计。中国国家主席江泽民和许多位成员体的首脑都将在本次峰会发表演讲。这是新形势下企业家之间、企业家与政府之间的一次重要的沟通与交流,对加强亚太地区企业之间的合作、密切企业与政府之间的关系将起到良好的促进作用。

进入新世纪,经济全球化的趋势增强,新经济的发展异常迅速,亚太地区的经济形势发生了诸多变化。对此,我们需要思考应对之策。无可否认,经济全球化引发了全球范围的更为激烈的市场竞争。企业作为经济活动和技术创新的主体,面临的竞争压力不言而喻。然而,竞争范围的扩大同时意味着合作范围的扩大。我们提倡在竞争中谋求合作,在合作中共同发展,在共同发展中带动经济繁荣,最终实现人民生活水平的共同提高。 APEC不同经济体的企业完全可以发挥各自的比较优势,加强区域间的经济技术合作,进行更大范围、更大规模的资源优化配置,在追求企业利润最大化的过程中,达到共赢的结果。我相信,本次峰会的举行,将有助于APEC 各经济体的企业家团结一致,群策群力,共同面对世界经济增长明显趋缓所带来的严峻挑战和9.11恐怖主义袭击事件对世界和地区经济带来的冲击,探讨新形势下企业的成长与发展模式,寻求亚太经济的振兴之路,从而为稳定亚太地区乃至世界的经济形势做出应有的贡献。

中国注重与APEC其它经济体的友好合作,它们是中国重要的经贸合作伙伴。2000年,中国与APEC各经济体的贸易额达到3400多亿美元,中国新批准的从APEC各经济体引进的外资金额超过300亿美元,都超过了中国对外贸易、引进外资总量的70%。中国同样鼓励有条件的国内企业到境外投资和经营,积极参与国际竞争与合作,中国的对外投资也主要集中在APEC各地区。 目前,中国加入世贸组织在即,中国市场与世界市场将更加紧密地融为一体,中国的经济发展也将更加依赖于与世界其它国家和地区特别是亚太地区的经济往来与合作,开放的中国离不开世界。在入世后,中国将恪守承诺,以更加积极的姿态推进全方位、多层次、宽领域的对外开放。中国将进一步开放国内市场,扩大开放领域和地域,有步骤地推进金融、保险、电信、贸易、旅游等服务领域的对外开放,积极开辟利用外资的新方式、新途径。正处在新的历史起点上的中国蕴育着前所未有的贸易和投资机会。在此,我们真诚欢迎各经济体的企业到中国来,把握商机,谋求更大的发展。 回首20世纪,亚太地区的经济发展举世瞩目。虽然近几年来遇到困难,有所减缓,但我相信,进入21世纪,通过APEC 各成员体持续不断的努力,亚太地区的经济一定会仍然生机勃勃;亚太地区人民的生活一定会得到进一步改善。新的世纪,新的经济,一定会给人们带来新的希望。

我预祝本届APEC CEO峰会取得圆满成功!

谢谢各位。

 

我是深圳派2!Yeah!请笑对每一天哦,因为哪里都有阳光!:)
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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:42:45 | 显示全部楼层

朱镕基总理主旨演讲(博鳌亚洲论坛2002年会)

Premier Zhu Rongji's Speech at BFA First Annual Meeting 12 April 2002

Work Hand in Hand to Build a Better Future for Asia in the 21st Century

携手共创新世纪亚洲美好未来

  Distinguished Guests,

  Dear Friends,

  Ladies and Gentlemen,  

  It gives me great pleasure to attend this First Annual Conference of Boao Forum for Asia. I would like to discuss with you issues concerning Asia's regional cooperation and development in the new century.

  As the biggest continent on the earth, Asia takes up 60 percent of its population. It has abundant resources, long history and magnificent and exquisite cultures. With its stupendous changes and rise in the last century, Asia wrote a glorious chapter in the annals of its own development and left a brilliant hallmark on the advancement of human society. Looking into the new century, this great continent of many splendid ancient civilizations will surely embrace an even more colorful modern civilization.

  In recent years, thanks to the joint efforts of Asian countries,there has been a growing awareness of regional cooperation featuring greater tolerance, equality and gradual progress while a situation of open, healthy and mutually beneficial cooperation is taking shape. APEC is making steady progress. The East Asia regional cooperation has gone ahead with full stream and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization is functioning smoothly. Last November, China and the ASEAN members agreed to gradually build a China-ASEAN free trade area in the coming decade, and the various quarters are making contacts for an early launch of negotiations. These developments will provide important channels and mechanisms for wider exchanges and deeper cooperation among Asian countries and regions. However, compared with Europe and North America, Asia's regional cooperation is still rather backward. We have of late heard quite some insightful views on the orientation of regional cooperation in Asia. Now, I would like to make a few observations.

First, we should take economic cooperation as the key focus and develop all-round cooperation in a step-by-step fashion. Economic development is the primary task of Asian countries. Given our real needs and experience, such areas as trade, communications, agriculture, information and energy can be made priority areas of cooperation which will be gradually enlarged to include other areas.

  Second, we should build on existing channels of cooperation to steadily broaden the scope of cooperation. As East Asia, South Asia and Central Asia are relatively independent geographically and different in ways of achieving economic development, it would be more advisable just for the sake of convenience and effectiveness to reinforce sub-regional cooperation as the first step and, on the basis, to actively explore the ways of a pan-Asiacooperation.

  Third, we should further step up bilateral cooperation to consolidate the basis of regional cooperation. A closer cooperation at bilateral level will facilitate the smooth progressof regional cooperation, while regional cooperation will open evenbroader horizon for bilateral cooperation. The two can very well complement each other.

  Fourth, we should ensure that the regional cooperation is an open one. Openness is in the tradition of Asian cultures. Cooperation by definition must not be self-reclusive or enjoyed only by members of an exclusive group. Instead, Asian countries should further enhance their cooperation with countries of other continents through such channels as APEC, ASEM and East Asia-Latin America Forum.

China is an Asian country. Over the past two decades and more, China has achieved rapid economic growth thanks to its unswerving pursuit of the reform and opening up policy, accelerated the development of its national economy, and improved its people's livelihood. In the new century, China's modernization drive has entered a new stage, and its national economy will keep developing at an annual growth rate of more than 7 percent. Such a new leap forward in China's reform, opening up and modernization drive willnot only bring enormous benefits to the Chinese people, but also deliver unlimited business opportunities, ushering in broad prospects for economic cooperation in Asia and around the world.

  China's accession to the World Trade Organization represents the new starting point for its opening to the outside world. Our participation in worldwide economic cooperation and competition will assume greater scope and depth. China will open its door still wider to the rest of Asia and the world, to entrepreneurs and investors of all countries. We will honor our WTO commitments,opening more areas in a phased manner, lowering our tariffs and removing non-tariff barriers. We will continue to improve our ruleof law , thus bringing about in China a market environment that isfairer, more transparent and more predictable. In the meantime, wewill energetically carry out our "going global" strategy, encouraging more Chinese firms of multiple ownerships to operate globally.

  The Chinese people love peace. China's development needs peace.But an economically developed China will pose no threat to any country or region. China is, and will always be, an important force making for world peace and common development.

  The people in Asia are diligent, talented and persistent in self-development. These qualities made Asia's magnificent achievements possible and promise an even brighter future for the continent. The Chinese people are ready to work hand in hand with the people in other Asian countries to build a better future for Asia. Enditem

我是深圳派2!Yeah!请笑对每一天哦,因为哪里都有阳光!:)
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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:43:34 | 显示全部楼层

中国代表团团长石广生在WTO第四届部长级会议上的发言

Statement by H.E. Minister SHI Guangsheng, Head of the Chinese Delegation, at the Fourth Ministerial Conference of the WTO Doha, November 10th, 2001.(2001年11月10日,多哈)

Mr, Chairman,

After 15 years of difficult negotiations, we finally came to this historical moment. Hereby, on behalf of the Chinese government, I would like to appreciate the WTO Ministerial Conference for its adoption of the Decision on China's Accession to the WTO. And I would like to take this opportunity to thank all WTO Members and Mr. Girard, Chairman of the Working Party on China, for your support for China's accession over the years. My gratitude also goes to Mr. Mike Moore, Director-General of the WTO, to the former Director-Generals of GATT and the WTO, Mr. Dunkel, Mr. Sutherland and Mr. Ruggiero who have given their support and assistance in the past 15 years.

The WTO accession and its full participation in the multilateral trading system are strategic decisions made by the Chinese leaders under accelerated economic globalization. China has made longstanding and unremitting efforts for resuming its GATT Contracting Party status and for acceding to the WTO, which fully demonstrates the resolve and confidence of China to deepen its reform and to open further to the outside world. The WTO accession is not only in the interests of China, but also in the interests of all WTO Members and conducive to the development of the multilateral trading system. It will inevitably exert widespread and far-reaching impact on China's economy and on the world economy in the new century. After its accession, China will, on the basis of the balance between rights and obligations, abide by the WTO rules and honor its commitments while enjoying its rights. China will, as always, value and strengthen equal and mutually beneficial economic and trade relations with countries and regions in the world, and play an active and constructive role in the multilateral trading system and make its positive contribution to the progress of world economy and trade together with other WTO Members.

Mr. Chairman,

China first participated in the Uruguay Round Negotiations in September 1986 and witnessed the historical transformation of the multilateral trading system from GATT to the WTO. Meanwhile, China's negotiations for the accession to the multilateral trading system over the past 15 years have been an integral part of the process of its reform and opening up from the beginning to the end. We have drawn the following three basic conclusions from our own experiences:

First, only by participating in the multilateral trading system with a positive stance, can various countries in the world better share the benefits of economic globalization;

Second, during the course of economic globalization, only by establishing an economic and trade regime in line with international practices and the specific situation of the country, can they avoid their disadvantages and fully play out advantages, and therefore electively safeguard their respective economic security while opening to the outside world; and

Third, only by constantly adapting itself to the development and changes of world economy and by fully reflecting the interests and requirements of all parties including developing countries, can the multilateral trading system maintain its vigor and vitality.

Mr. Chairman,

The road from Seattle to Doha is by no means an easy path, which has generated profound thoughts and enlightenment. The Seattle Conference two years ago failed to launch the new round of multilateral trade negotiations. We believe that in face of the rapid development of economic globalization of today, we should follow the development of the situation and to jointly formulate relevant rules through consultations on an equal footing among Members and to carry out effective coordination and management over the ever widened and complicated international economic and trade activities.

Therefore, we need to face up to the obvious defects of the existing multilateral trading system so as to reflect the interests and demands of developing countries in a more adequate fashion. We need to invite all Members to formulate the international trade rules of the new century through equal participation and consultation, so as to enable more developing countries to share the opportunities and interests brought about by the economic globalization and to avoid the further widening of the gap between rich and poor and protect some countries against being marginalized.

Mr. Chairman,

China supports the launch of a new round of multilateral trade negotiations on the basis of full consideration of the interests and reasonable requirements of developing countries. China believes that a new round should be conducive, first, to the establishment of a fair, just and reasonable international economic new order; second, to the development of world economy as well as trade and investment facilitation; and third, to the achievement of a balance of interests between developed countries and developing countries.

We believe that to achieve the above goals, we need to ensure that in the new round,

Full consideration be given to the development level of relevant industries of developing countries and special treatment be rendered to the extent and speed of their opening;

Pragmatic and effective measures be adopted to guarantee the implementation of the Uruguay Round agreements;

All-round and effective participation of developing members be guaranteed and both the identification of topics and the negotiations be based on consultation on an equal footing; and

A balanced and package approach be taken to ensure that the results of the negotiations reflect an overall balance of the interests of various parties.

Mr. Chairman,

The new century is full of opportunities and challenges. Let us work together to meet these challenges, and to consolidate and strengthen the multilateral trading system and to make continued contributions to the stability and development of world economy and trade.

In conclusion, please allow me, on behalf of the Chinese government, to express our appreciation to the Qatari government for its hard work for the Fourth Ministerial Conference of the WTO.

Thank you Mr. Chairman.

主席先生:

在经历了长达15年的艰苦谈判之后,我们终于迎来了这一历史性时刻。在此,我代表中国政府对WTO部长级会议作出关于中国加入WTO的决定表示感谢。借此机会,请允许我对长期以来支持中国加入WTO的所有成员和中国工作组主席吉拉德先生表示感谢。我还要对15年来给予我们支持和帮助的历任总干事—邓克尔先生、萨瑟兰先生、鲁杰罗先生、穆尔先生表示感谢。

加入WTO和全面参与多边贸易体制,是中国领导人在经济全球化进程加快的形势下作出的战略决策。中国为复关和加入 WTO作出了长期不懈的努力,这充分表明了中国深化改革和扩大开放的决心和信心。加入WTO不仅有利于中国,而且有利于所有WTO成员、有助于多边贸易体制的发展。它必将对新世纪的中国经济和世界经济产生广泛和深远的影响。加入WTO以后,中国将在权利与义务平衡的基础上,在享受权利的同时,遵守WTO规则,履行自己的承诺。中国将一如既往地重视和加强同世界各国、各地区发展平等、互利的经贸关系;在多边贸易体制中发挥积极和建设性的作用,与其他WTO成员一道,为世界经济贸易的发展作出积极贡献。

主席先生,

中国自1986年9月起就参加了乌拉圭回合谈判,参与了多边贸易体制由关贸总协定到世界贸易组织的历史转折。同时,中国加入多边贸易体制谈判的15年历史始终伴随着中国实行改革开放的进程。我们从自身的经验中得出了三点基本结论:

第一,世界各国只有以积极的姿态参与多边贸易体制,才能更好地分享经济全球化的好处;

第二,在经济全球化的进程中,只有建立起与国际通行规则相适应同时又符合本国实际情况的经济贸易管理体制,才能趋利避害,并在对外开放的同时有效地维护本国的经济安全;

第三,多边贸易体制只有不断适应世界经济的发展和变化, 并充分反映包括广大发展中国家在内的各方利益和要求,才能保持生机和活力。

主席先生,

从西雅图到多哈的道路并不平坦,给我们的思考和启示是十分深刻的。两年前的西雅图会议没有能够启动新一轮多边贸易谈判。我们认为,在经济全球化迅猛发展的今天,我们应该顺应形势的发展,通过各成员的平等协商,共同制订有关规则,对日益广泛和复杂的国际经济贸易活动进行有效的协调和管理。

因此,我们需要正视现行多边贸易体制中存在的明显缺陷,使多边贸易体制更加充分地反映发展中国家的利益和要求, 并让所有成员平等参与、相互协商,制订新世纪的国际贸易规则,让更多的发展中国家分享经济全球化带来的机会和利益,避免贫富差距继续扩大,避免一部分国家被边际化。

主席先生,

中国支持在充分考虑发展中国家的利益和合理要求的基础上,发动新一轮多边贸易谈判。中国主张,新一轮谈判的目标应当是:第一,有利于建立公平、公正和合理的国际经济新秩序;第二,有利于世界经济的发展和贸易投资便利化;第三,有利于发达国家和发展中国家利益的平衡。

为实现上述目标,我们认为,在新一轮谈判中:

必须充分考虑发展中国家相关产业的发展水平,在开放的程度和速度上给予特殊处理。

必须采取切实、有效的措施保证乌拉圭回合协议的实施。

必须保证发展中成员的全面和有效参与,议题的确定和谈判必须在平等协商的基础上进行。

必须以平衡和一揽子的方式进行谈判,保障谈判结果体现各方利益的总体平衡。

主席先生,

新的世纪充满着机遇和挑战,让我们共同合作,迎接挑战,使多边贸易体制得到巩固和加强,为世界经济贸易的稳定和发展不断作出贡献。

最后,请允许我代表中国政府对卡塔尔政府为筹备WTO第四届部长级会议所做的大量工作表示感谢。

谢谢主席先生。

 

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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:49:08 | 显示全部楼层

十五年的渴望(香港上海汇丰银行主席艾尔敦先生-中国与WTO)

中国与WTO:十五年的渴望 China and the WT the 15-year Itch

香港上海汇丰银行有限公司主席艾尔敦先生 Speech by Mr David Eldon, Chairman, The Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation Limited

纽约香港协会早餐会 Hong Kong Association of New York breakfast meeting

2002年4月25日

Mr David Eldon: Good morning Ladies and Gentlemen,

I stand before you today with a confession to make.

It relates to something that I did recently.

Exactly one month ago, I delivered a speech to another American audience. It was a gathering of the American Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong. I talked about Hong Kong's changing role. And about how Hong Kong can compete as it becomes increasingly easier for foreign companies to do business in China.

On that day in March, I made several suggestions. One of which was that when travelling overseas, government officials and business people from Hong Kong should spend more time selling Hong Kong to the sceptics. And less time speaking to the converted.

Consequently I am here today, in front of a decidedly Hong Kong-friendly crowd, in direct violation of my own advice. That said, I plan to redeem myself by not devoting too much time talking about Hong Kong - a topic that is well known to this audience. Rather I intend to concentrate on the less known. In particular, the implications of China's entry into the WTO. The implications for Hong Kong and the implications for foreign companies.

In doing so, I am going to focus my talk on three distinct areas of knowledge:

what we know we know; what we know we do not know; and what we do not know we know.

Common knowledge First, what we know we know. We know that China means different things to different people.

To overseas manufacturing firms or trading companies it is "the land of a billion buyers of shoes, cars and computers." To foreign companies already in China it is a place that warrants expansion. In fact, a recent survey found that nine out every 10 foreign companies operating in China plan to expand their investment in the next three years. To foreign financial institutions - particularly those interested in the provision of wealth management services - China is a market with enormous potential. After all it is a country with the highest rate of savings in the world. A country where reportedly more than 80 per cent of the bank deposits are held in 20 per cent of the accounts. To my Bank it is our birthplace. To your President it is a 'strategic competitor.'

Another thing we know we know and this audience in particular knows is that China's entry into the WTO means the role of Hong Kong will inevitably change.

Hong Kong was once the only gateway to the Mainland market. A vital link between East and West. Between developed and less-developed nations. Between capitalist and reforming economies. Between China and everywhere else. Today, Hong Kong no longer holds this privileged position. The reality is that Hong Kong hasn't held it for quite some time. Long before the ink was dry on China's WTO agreement, companies were choosing to bypass Hong Kong and go directly to Beijing, Shanghai and elsewhere in the Mainland. Of course, a significant number of companies were also still coming to Hong Kong to take advantage of the city's close geographic, economic, political and cultural ties to the Mainland. And as you are aware they continue to come.

We also know that China is in the midst of two transitions at one time: from a command to a market economy and from a rural to an urban society. And we know that the country faces a number of challenges: allocating incoming capital effectively; reforming state-owned enterprises; creating more jobs; spreading wealth more evenly; reducing bureaucracy; and eliminating corruption. And now, living up to the commitments and the expectations of WTO membership can be added to this list.

Finally, we know that China has changed a great deal in a relatively short period of time. Thirty years ago US President Richard Nixon and his national security adviser Henry Kissinger made a historic journey to China. Their seven-day trip concluded with the signing of the Shanghai Communiqu¨| inside the Grand Hall of the Jinjiang Hotel in Shanghai. A couple of weeks ago, Dr Kissinger returned to the Jinjiang to deliver a speech commemorating the events of 1972.

I do not know if Dr Kissinger took the time to explore the surrounding area. If he did, he would have possibly seen the nearby theatre that regularly plays the latest offering from Hollywood. He would have probably come across the American fast food outlets or the Italian designer clothing store just down the block. Before crossing the street, he would have likely had to wait for a line of Japanese cars to pass and perhaps even the bus emblazoned with a larger-than-life Winnie the Pooh. And if he stayed out late enough, he would have undoubtedly been able to stroll back to the hotel under the colorful neon lights advertising German cellular phones. In short, he would have definitely seen a very different China today than the one he saw 30 years ago.

Existing uncertainties The second area I want to focus on is what we know we do not know. In other words, the uncertainties related to the further opening of China's market.

Clearly, we do not know exactly how numerous industries will evolve. And it is a lack of advanced knowledge that is prompting much speculation. In the area of financial services for example, some predict that many of China's domestic banks will have a limited life span once the market is fully opened up in five years time.

Personally, I do not share this view. I think they will be very strong competitors. Partly because they are in the advantageous position of knowing the marketplace. Partly because they have national networks that are impossible - not to mention impractical - to match. And partly because they have a strong base of customers and are becoming increasingly modern. Consider the Mainland's largest bank, the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China. It recently announced that it has more than 10,000 corporates and 1.8 million individuals using its online banking services. But the main reason I think domestic banks in China will be strong competitors: they are very fast learners.

Another thing we know we do not know - and this specifically relates to Hong Kong - is the indirect benefits that will flow from a more open market in China.

For example, if mainland investors are allowed to invest their foreign exchange holdings in Hong Kong, the SAR's stock market would clearly benefit. Hong Kong's position as a fund raising centre for Mainland companies would also be enhanced. We know this idea is under consideration. We also know we do not know when it may happen.

Likewise, we know that if banks in Hong Kong are permitted to accept RMB deposits, the SAR's status as an international financial centre and as the premier regional financial centre will be enhanced even further. Once again we know this idea is being considered, but we do not know when it may happen.

A third unknown - and one that has been getting considerable attention recently - is the accuracy of some of China's statistics. As you are undoubtedly aware, questions have been raised about certain numbers. Even senior Mainland officials concede that some data is flawed. For example, the head of the Central Bank recently confirmed that levels of non-performing loans at China's big state banks are in fact higher than official estimates. However, numbers only tell part of any story. Whether one agrees with official estimates of GDP growth or not, no one can deny that China is developing rapidly. At least not anyone who visits China on a regular basis.

Finally, we know that we do not know how China will change the WTO. What role will the country play in shaping future trade talks? Will China's presence prompt other members to address the concerns of developing nations more readily? And how will another large player at the table affect overall group dynamics?

One thing that is clear: the WTO is much more of a global body now than it was prior to China's entry. Simply put, no organization can rightly call itself global if it does not include the world's most populous nation.

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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:49:39 | 显示全部楼层

Forgotten knowledge The third area I want to discuss is what we do not know we know. A translation of which might be the things we already know but often overlook or outright forget.

For example, when it comes to Hong Kong, some people seem to think the SAR will be surpassed. Replaced if you will. This doomsday group seems to forget the fact that many of Hong Kong's infrastructural and institutional attributes - including its free-market philosophy, the rule of law and free flow of capital - are attributes which are impossible for any other city in China to replicate any time soon

In terms of China itself, some executives of some companies still drool over the prospects of selling their goods or services to a single market of 1.3 billion people. They seem to overlook or forget the fact that the Mainland market includes 23 provinces, five autonomous regions, four municipalities directly under the central government, five special economic zones, 14 open coastal and border cities, 15 export processing areas, 14 bonded zones, some 30 provincial-level economic and technological development zones and more than 50 new and high-technology development zones. At least at last count.

And while the preferential policies of some of these special zones will gradually disappear under WTO, the complexities of doing business in such a vast market will not. A fact which - I submit - should subdue any remaining overactive salivary glands.

Finally, there are some who seem to think that China's entry into the WTO will provide an avenue to solve all future trade disputes. They seem to forget that the WTO is often used more as a weapon for protectionism than as a shield for open markets.

Personally, I think China will work very hard to live up to its commitments and to operate within the rules of the WTO. And if they are smart - and I think they are - they will also seek ways to exploit the rules to the benefit of their own industries. In other words they will act much like every other country on the WTO membership list.

Applying one's knowledge Against this backdrop of knowledge - both the known and the unknown - it is clear that some foreign companies are itching to get access to the Mainland market.

I recall reading the comments of one executive who said his two most important questions about China are "which month" and "which day" his company will get the necessary approvals. He went on to say: "If I get four questions, then the third question would be at which hour, and the fourth at which minute we will get our license."

And just so you know, you can all breathe easier, he was not from an American company!

The reality is that anyone focused solely on the short-term gains or anyone who is prone to impatience is destined to be disappointed. China is like any developing market. It takes time to build a business. Profits cannot be made overnight. It is not a place for foreign companies to improve next quarter's earnings.

HSBC for its part is not a typical foreign company in the Mainland. As I mentioned earlier, our roots are in China. We have had a continuous presence in the Mainland for more than 135 years. Our name is also well known. For example, one survey done in Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou found that we were by far the most-recognised foreign financial institution. Close to 90 per cent of the respondents said they were familiar with the name HSBC. The next closest foreign bank scored in the low 70s.

Despite this history and this recognition, we know that we will not automatically benefit from the further opening of China's financial services sector under WTO. We know that we will have to work very hard to maintain our position. And we are.

We have moved our China headquarters to Pudong in Shanghai. We have signed RMB remittance pacts with all four of the big state banks and we continue to seek ways to enhance our co-operation with domestic banks. On the people side, localisation remains a top priority. Already, nine out of every 10 of our Mainland staff are hired locally.

Recently we along with a few other foreign banks were given permission to offer foreign currency services to mainland Chinese citizens and corporations in select cities. In HSBC's case, we are allowed to offer such services in three cities: Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou.

Last December we also purchased an 8 per cent equity stake in the Bank of Shanghai. In addition to becoming the first foreign commercial bank to be allowed to invest in a domestic Chinese bank, we also became - in effect - partners with the Shanghai Municipal Government, the major shareholder in the bank. For us, it was a high and historic note on which to end the year 2001.

Just as an aside, not everyone seems to agree that our purchase of a strategic stake in the Bank of Shanghai was all that momentous.

For example, in subsequent articles heralding the precedent-setting deal, one foreign banker was quoted as saying: "Most of the banks have been offering 15 per cent to the market. If you get 15 per cent you don't get anything." Another foreign banker said that our purchase was "only symbolic" and "without any actual benefits." He also said that his bank had no interest in acquiring a minority stake in any Mainland financial institution

I will not tell you who made these rather pessimistic comments, if for no other reason than to help both individuals 'save face' should their banks later decide to reconsider. What I will say is that both work for our so-called 'strategic competitors'. Consequently, I am inclined to think they were suffering from a touch of fermented fruit syndrome. Otherwise known as a case of sour grapes!

Conclusion I have spent much of my time this morning talking about the implications of an agreement which became official on the 11th of December 2001. I also briefly mentioned another history-making agreement that was signed on the 28th of February 1972.

In fact, there are a number of striking similarities between China's entry into the WTO and the signing of the Shanghai Communiqu¨|.

Both agreements changed the world significantly. Both agreements set the stage for increased contact . . . economic and otherwise. And both agreements also came after some considerable negotiation.

At the outset of the 1972 talks, Dr Kissinger reportedly told his Chinese hosts: "The good thing about our relationship is that we want nothing from each other."

Chairman Mao is said to have promptly disagreed, noting: "If I had wanted nothing from you, I wouldn't have invited you. And if you wanted nothing from me, you shouldn't have come."

Similar sentiments apply to the WTO agreement. If China did not have something to gain, it would not have joined the WTO. Nor would it have made, as some observers suggest, commitments that are far more reaching than any previous membership applicant has. Likewise, foreign companies would not be flocking to and expanding their operations in China if they thought there was nothing to gain. Nor if they thought there were no profits to be made.

In closing, let me make one final observation about Hong Kong and the impact of China's entry into the WTO.

I know and I think all of you would agree that Hong Kong is well positioned to play a significant role in the post-entry period. And I know that I know the people of Hong Kong have the capacity and the capability to respond to new challenges. Simply put, I know that if New York is the city that never sleeps, then Hong Kong is the city that never stagnates.

Thank you.

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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:50:52 | 显示全部楼层
艾尔敦先生: 先生们,女士们,早上好! 今天我站在这里,要向大家坦白。 是关于最近我说过的一些话。 一个月前,我向另一些美国听众发表了讲话。那是在香港的美国商会的一次聚会上。我谈到香港的角色正在发生变化。现在外国公司在中国开展业务越来越容易, 所以我也谈到了在这种情况下香港怎样进行竞争。 就在那一天,也就是在三月份,我提出了几点建议。其中一点是香港的政府官员和商业人员在去海外时应该多花些时间向那些对香港持怀疑态度的人宣传香港,而不要花太多时间和对香港友好的人谈论香港。 所以我今天会站在这里,站在一群对香港极为友好的人面前,直截了当地违背自己提出的建议。既然这么说,我打算对自己说过的话作出补偿,不用太多的时间谈论香港 - 这个话题对于今天的听众来说已经非常熟悉了。我想多谈一些大家不太熟悉的东西。尤其是中国加入WTO所产生的影响,对香港的影响,还有对外国公司的影响。

这样,我准备集中谈论三部分的内容:

我们知道自己已经了解的事; 我们知道自己还没有了解的事; 还有 我们不知道自己已经了解的事

众所周知的内容 首先是我们知道自己已经了解的事。我们知道中国对于不同的人来说意味着不同的东西。

对于海外的制造商和贸易公司来说,中国是"有着十多亿购买鞋子、汽车和电脑的消费者的国家"。 对于已经在中国的外国公司来说,在这里扩展业务是理所当然的。事实上,最近的一项调查表明,在中国运作的每十家外国公司中有九家计划在未来三年里扩大投资。对于外资的金融机构来说 - 尤其是那些对提供财富管理服务感兴趣的外资金融机构来说 - 中国是一个有着巨大潜力的市场。毕竟这是一个有着全世界最高存款率的国家。根据报道,在中国超过80%的银行存款存在20%的账户之中。对于我的银行 - 汇丰银行 - 来说,中国是我们的诞生地。对于各位的总统来说,中国是 '战略性的竞争对手'。

另一件我们知道自己已经了解的事,也是在座的各位听众了解的事,就是中国加入WTO意味着香港的角色肯定会发生变化。

香港一度曾经是进入中国内地市场的唯一通道。它是一条至关重要的纽带,联系着东西方,联系着发达国家和欠发达的国家,联系着资本主义经济和改革之中的经济体,也联系着中国和世界各地。今天,香港已经不再拥有这一特殊地位。事实上,香港失去这一地位已经有一段时间了。在中国加入WTO之前,各公司早就选择绕过香港,直接进入北京,上海和中国内地的其他地方。当然,也有大量公司还是到香港来,以利用这座城市与中国内地在地理,经济,政治和文化方面的紧密联系。大家也都看到,还有公司陆续到来。

我们也知道中国正同时处于两种转变之中:从计划经济到市场经济,从农业到都市社会。我们也知道这个国家正面临着一系列的挑战:有效分配涌入的资金;改革国有企业;创造更多的就业机会;更平均地分配财富;减少官僚作风;还有杜绝腐败。现在,还可以加上一条:达到WTO成员国的承诺和期望。

最后,我们知道中国在相对较短的时间里发生了巨大的变化。三十年前美国总统尼克松和他的国家安全事务助理基辛格对中国进行了一次具有历史意义的访问。他们为期七天的访问的最后一项内容是在上海的锦江饭店小礼堂签订上海公报。就在几星期前,基辛格博士又来到锦江饭店发表讲话,纪念1972年的这一事件。

我不知道基辛格博士是否花时间去周围的地方看过。如果他这么做了,他可能会看到附近的一家电影院,这家电影院经常上映最新的好莱坞大片。沿着大街走,他可能会见到美式的快餐店或是意大利款式的服装店。在过马路之前,他很有可能要等着一长排日本汽车开过,甚至是画着非常显眼的小熊维尼图案的公共汽车。如果他在外面逗留到很晚,他一定会在做着德国移动电话广告的霓虹灯下漫步回到宾馆。总而言之,他现在一定会看到与三十年前完全不同的一个中国。

存在的不确定因素 我想说的第二部分是我们知道自己不了解的东西。换句话说,就是有关中国市场进一步开放的不确定因素。

很明显,我们不知道到底这么多行业会怎样发展。由于对事情缺乏深入的了解而导致许多揣测。比如,在金融服务这一方面,有一些人预测,一旦市场在五年后完全开放,许多中资银行就会陆续关门。

我个人不同意这种看法。我认为这些中资银行将会是非常强劲的竞争对手。这一部分是因为这些银行了解市场,处于有利地位。另一部分原因是它们有遍布全国的网络, 这一点是根本无法匹敌的,更不用说赶上它们是不切实际的了。还有一部分原因是它们拥有强大的客户基础,并且正在逐步走向现代化。比如中国内地最大的银行 - 中国工商银行,最近这家银行宣布有超过10,000家企业和一百八十万的个人在使用其网上银行的服务。但是我认为中资银行将成为强劲竞争对手的主要原因是:它们学习的速度非常快。

另一件我们知道自己不了解的事和香港很有关系,就是从更加开放的中国市场获得的间接利益。

比如,如果内地的投资者获准在香港投资外币股票,香港特别行政区的股票市场肯定会得到好处。香港作为内地公司募集资金的中心,地位也会提高。我们知道这一想法正在考虑之中。我们也知道我们不了解这种情况什么时候会发生。

同样地,我们知道如果香港的银行获准接受人民币存款,香港特别行政区作为国际金融中心和主要的地区性金融中心,它的地位将会更进一步提高。我们也知道这一想法正在考虑之中,但是我们不知道这种情况什么时候会发生。

第三件我们不知道的事 - 这在最近也引起了相当多的关注 - 就是某些关于中国的统计数字的准确性。大家一定也知道,人们对某些数字提出了问题。甚至内地的高级官员也承认有一些数据存在错误。比如,中国人民银行行长最近证实,中国较大的国有银行的不良贷款的程度事实上比官方估测的更高。但是,数字仅仅说明了问题的一部分。无论人们是否赞同官方对国民生产总值增长的估测,没有人可以否认中国正在飞速发展。至少没有一个经常去中国的人会否认这一点。

最后,我们知道我们不了解中国会怎样改变WTO。对于形成未来的贸易对话,中国会扮演什么样的角色? 中国的加入是否会使其他成员国更愿意关注发展中国家的问题?桌边又一个大玩家会对全组的动力产生什么样的影响?

有一点是非常清楚的:现在WTO比在中国加入之前更成为一个全球性的组织。 简单地说,如果不包括这个全世界具有最多人口的国家,没有一个组织可以问心无愧地说自己是全球性的组织。

被遗忘的内容 我想讨论的第三部分是我们不知道自己了解的事。也可以说是我们已经知道,但经常忽略或者完全忘记的东西。

比如,当提到香港时,有些人似乎认为香港特别行政区会被超越。如果你愿意,也可以说是替代。这些认为到了世界末日的人似乎忘记了这一事实,许多香港的基础结构和机构的特质 - 包括它的自由市场的思想,法治和资本的自由流动 - 是中国的任何其它城市在短时间内都无法效仿的。

对于中国本身,某些公司的高级官员还是满怀信心,希望可以把自己的商品或服务销售给一个拥有13亿消费者的市场。 他们似乎忽略或者忘记了这一事实,中国内地的市场包括23个省,5个自治区,4个直辖市,5个经济特区,14个沿海和沿边开放城市,15个出口加工区,14个保税区,大约30个省级经济和科技发展区, 还有超过50个新兴的高科技发展区。至少最近的一次统计是这样。

尽管在中国加入WTO 以后某些区域的优惠政策会逐步取消,在这样一个巨大的市场里开展业务的复杂性并不会消失。我承认,这一事实会打消任何对这个市场过度乐观的念头。

最后,有一些人似乎认为中国加入WTO 会为未来所有的贸易争端提供解决的方法。 他们似乎忘记了WTO经常更多地被用作保护贸易主义的武器,而不是用作开放市场的盾牌。

我个人认为,中国将会非常努力地争取完成它的承诺,并且遵守WTO的规则运作。 如果中国人够聪明 - 我认为他们确实如此 - 他们也会为了本国行业的利益而寻找可以利用这些规则的方法。换句话说,他们的行动会和WTO 成员国名单上的其它国家一样。

应用自己的知识 在这种认知的基础上 - 包括已知的和未知的 - 很明显某些外国公司正渴望进入中国内地市场。

我记得读到过一位高级官员的评论,他说他对于中国的两个最重要的问题是"哪个月" 和"哪一天"他的公司可以得到必须的批准。他又说:"如果我有四个问题,那么第三个问题就是在哪一个小时,第四个问题则是哪一分钟我们可以得到许可。"

尽管如此,大家可以松一口气,因为他不是来自于美国公司!

实际上,任何一个仅仅注重短期利益增长的人或是任何一个容易失去耐心的人都注定会失望。中国同任何发展中的市场都一样。业务的建立需要一定的时间。利润不可能很快就得到。中国这个地方不能使外国公司马上提高下一季度的收入。

汇丰银行在中国内地并不是典型的外国公司。我刚才已经提到过,我们的诞生地就在中国。我们在中国内地的业务从未间断,已超过了135年。我们的名字也广为人知。比如,在北京,上海和广州进行的一项调查发现,我们迄今为止是知名度最高的外资金融机构。接近90%的受访者说他们对汇丰这个名字很熟悉。排在第二位的外资银行认知率仅仅为70%。

尽管我们有悠久的历史和比较高的知名度,我们知道自己不会从中国在加入WTO后进一步开放的金融服务中自动获得利益。我们知道自己必须非常努力才能保持自己的地位。我们确实是在这么做。

我们已经把中国业务总部迁到了上海浦东。我们已经和所有四大国有银行签订了人民币汇款的合作条约,我们也继续在寻找增强同中资银行合作的途径。在员工这方面,本地化一直是优先考虑的问题。我们在内地的员工已经有90%是在本地招聘的。

最近我们和其他几家外资银行一起获准在部分城市向中国内地的居民和企业提供外币业务。我们汇丰获准在北京,上海和广州这三个城市提供这项服务。

去年12月我们购入了上海银行8%的股权。除了成为第一家获准投资中资银行的外资商业银行之外,我们也成为 - 事实上是如此 - 上海市政府的合作伙伴,因为它是上海银行的主要股东。对于我们来说,这是为2001年的末尾添上的圆满的一笔,具有很大的历史意义。

结论 今天早上我已经花了很多时间谈论从2001年12月11日开始正式生效的WTO协议所带来的影响。 我也简单提到了另一个在1972年2月28日签订的具有历史意义的协议。

事实上,在中国加入WTO 和中美上海公报的签订这两者之间有许多相似的地方。

这两个协议都显著地改变了整个世界。两个协议都标志着逐步增加接触的开始 . . . 包括经济的,还有其它方面的。并且两个协议也都是在多次谈判之后才达成。

据报道,在1972年对话的开始,基辛格博士就对中国的东道主说:"我们之间的关系之中有一点很好,就是我们都不想从对方那里获得什么。"

据说毛主席立刻反对说:"如果我什么都不想从你们那里得到,我就不会邀请你们。如果你们什么都不想从我们这里得到,你们也就不会来了。"

同样的感觉也适用于WTO 协议。如果中国不想获得什么,就不会加入WTO。正如一些观察家所指出的,它也就不会作出比任何以往的成员申请国影响更深远的承诺。同样地,如果外国公司认为什么都得不到,也就不会蜂拥到中国来扩展他们的业务。如果他们认为无利可图,也不会这样做。

在结束之前,我想最后再评述一下关于香港的情况和中国加入WTO 的影响。

我知道,而且我相信各位都同意这一点,香港处于有利的位置,可以在中国入世后扮演重要的角色。我也知道,我知道香港人有能力应付新的挑战。简单地说,我知道如果纽约是不眠的城市,那么香港就是从不停滞的城市。

谢谢大家。

我是深圳派2!Yeah!请笑对每一天哦,因为哪里都有阳光!:)
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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:51:51 | 显示全部楼层

Clinton's Farewell Speech 克林顿告别演说

Clinton's Farewell Speech 克林顿告别演说

Thursday, January 18, 2001 (2001年1月18日)

President Bill Clinton:   My fellow citizens, tonight is my last opportunity to speak to you from the Oval Office as your president.  I am profoundly grateful to you for twice giving me the honor to serve, to work for you and with you to prepare our nation for the 21st century. And I'm grateful to Vice President Gore, to my Cabinet secretaries, and to all those who have served with me for the last eight years.   同胞们,今晚是我最后一次作为你们的总统,在白宫椭圆形办公室向你们做最后一次演讲。   我从心底深处感谢你们给了我两次机会和荣誉,为你们服务,为你们工作,和你们一起为我们的国家进入21世纪做准备。这里,我要感谢戈尔副总统,我的内阁部长们以及所有伴我度过过去8年的同事们。

  This has been a time of dramatic transformation, and you have risen to every new challenge. You have made our social fabric stronger, our families healthier and safer, our people more prosperous.   You, the American people, have made our passage into the global information age an era of great American renewal.      现在是一个极具变革的年代,你们为迎接新的挑战已经做好了准备。是你们使我们的社会更加强大,我们的家庭更加健康和安全,我们的人民更加富裕。   同胞们,我们已经进入了全球信息化时代,这是美国复兴的伟大时代。

  In all the work I have done as president, every decision I have made, every executive action I have taken, every bill I have proposed and signed, I've tried to give all Americans the tools and conditions to build the future of our dreams, in a good society, with a strong economy, a cleaner environment, and a freer, safer, more prosperous world.      作为总统,我所做的一切---每一个决定,每一个行政命令,提议和签署的每一项法令,都是在努力为美国人民提供工具和创造条件,来实现美国的梦想,建设美国的未来---一个美好的社会,繁荣的经济,清洁的环境,进而实现一个更自由、更安全、更繁荣的世界。

  I have steered my course by our enduring values. Opportunity for all. Responsibility from all. A community of all Americans. I have sought to give America a new kind of government, smaller, more modern, more effective, full of ideas and policies appropriate to this new time, always putting people first, always focusing on the future.      借助我们永恒的价值,我驾驭了我的航程。机会属于每一个美国公民;(我的)责任来自全体美国人民;所有美国人民组成了一个大家庭。我一直在努力为美国创造一个新型的政府:更小、更现代化、更有效率、面对新时代的挑战充满创意和思想、永远把人民的利益放在第一位、永远面向未来。

  Working together, America has done well. Our economy is breaking records, with more than 22 million new jobs, the lowest unemployment in 30 years, the highest home ownership ever, the longest expansion in history.     我们在一起使美国变得更加美好。我们的经济正在破着一个又一个的记录,向前发展。我们已创造了2200万个新的工作岗位,我们的失业率是30年来最低的,老百姓的购房率达到一个空前的高度,我们经济繁荣的持续时间是历史上最长的。

  Our families and communities are stronger. Thirty-five million Americans have used the family leave law. Eight million have moved off welfare. Crime is at a 25-year low. Over 10 million Americans receive more college aid, and more people than ever are going to college. Our schools are better - higher standards, greater accountability and larger investments have brought higher test scores, and higher graduation rates.   我们的家庭、我们的社会变得更加强大。3500万美国人曾经享受联邦休假,800万人重新获得社会保障,犯罪率是25年来最低的,1000多万美国人享受更多的入学贷款,更多的人接受大学教育。我们的学校也在改善。更高的办学水平、更大的责任感和更多的投资使得我们的学生取得更高的考试分数和毕业成绩。   More than three million children have health insurance now, and more than 7 million Americans have been lifted out of poverty. Incomes are rising across the board. Our air and water are cleaner. Our food and drinking water are safer. And more of our precious land has been preserved, in the continental United States, than at any time in 100 years.      目前,已有300多万美国儿童在享受着医疗保险,700多万美国人已经脱离了贫困线。全国人民的收入在大幅度提高。我们的空气和水资源更加洁净,食品和饮用水更加安全。我们珍贵的土地资源也得到了近百年来前所未有的保护。

  America has been a force for peace and prosperity in every corner of the globe.   I'm very grateful to be able to turn over the reins of leadership to a new president, with America in such a strong position to meet the challenges of the future.   美国已经成为地球上每个角落促进和平和繁荣的积极力量。我非常高兴能于此时将领导权交给新任总统,强大的美国正面临未来的挑战。

  Tonight, I want to leave you with three thoughts about our future. First, America must maintain our record of fiscal responsibility. Through our last four budgets, we've turned record deficits to record surpluses, and we've been able to pay down $600 billion of our national debt, on track to be debt free by the end of the decade for the first time since 1835.      今晚,我希望大家能从以下3点审视我们的未来:第一,美国必须保持它的良好财政状况。通过过去4个财政年度的努力,我们已经把破纪录的财政赤字变为破纪录的盈余。并且,我们已经偿还了6000亿美元的国债,我们正向10年内彻底偿还国家债务的目标迈进,这将是1835年以来的第一次。

  Staying on that course will bring lower interest rates, greater prosperity and the opportunity to meet our big challenges. If we choose wisely, we can pay down the debt, deal with the retirement of the baby boomers, invest more in our future and provide tax relief.      只要这样做,就会带来更低的利率、更大的经济繁荣,从而能够迎接将来更大的挑战。如果我们做出明智的选择,我们就能偿还债务,解决(二战后出生的)一大批人们的退休问题,对未来进行更多的投资,并减轻税收。   Second, because the world is more connected every day in every way, America's security and prosperity require us to continue to lead in the world. At this remarkable moment in history, more people live in freedom that ever before. Our alliances are stronger than ever. People all around the world look to America to be a force for peace and prosperity, freedom and security. The global economy is giving more of our own people, and billions around the world, the chance to work and live and raise their families with dignity.      第二,世界各国的联系日益紧密。为了美国的安全与繁荣,我们应继续融入世界。在这个特别的历史时刻,更多的美国人民享有前所未有的自由。我们的盟国更加强大。全世界人民期望美国成为和平与繁荣、自由与安全的力量。全球经济给予美国民众以及全世界人民更多的机会去工作、生活,更体面地养活家庭。

  But the forces of integration that have created these good opportunities also make us more subject to global forces of destruction, to terrorism, organized crime and narco-trafficking, the spread of deadly weapons and disease, the degradation of the global environment.      但是,这种世界融合的趋势一方面为我们创造了良好的机会,但同时使得我们在全球范围内更容易遭致破坏性力量、恐怖主义、有组织的犯罪、贩毒活动,致命性武器和疾病传播的威胁。

  The expansion of trade hasn't fully closed the gap between those of us who live on the cutting edge of the global economy and the billions around the world who live on the knife's edge of survival.      尽管世界贸易不断扩大,但它没能缩小处于全球经济繁荣中的我们同数十亿处于死亡边缘的人们之间的距离。

  This global gap requires more than compassion. It requires action. Global poverty is a powder keg that could be ignited by our indifference.   In his first inaugural address, Thomas Jefferson warned of entangling alliances. But in our times, America cannot and must not disentangle itself from the world. If we want the world to embody our shared values, then we must assume a shared responsibility.   要解决世界贫富两极分化需要的不是同情和怜悯,而是实际行动。贫穷有可能被我们的漠不关心激化而成为火药桶。   托马斯-杰斐逊在他的就职演说中告诫我们结盟的危害。但是,在我们这个时代,美国不能,也不可能使自己脱离这个世界。如果我们想把我们共有的价值观赋予这个世界,我们必须共同承担起这个责任。

  If the wars of the 20th century, especially the recent ones in Kosovo and Bosnia, have taught us anything, it is that we achieve our aims by defending our values and leading the forces of freedom and peace. We must embrace boldly and resolutely that duty to lead, to stand with our allies in word and deed, and to put a human face on the global economy so that expanded trade benefits all people in all nations, lifting lives and hopes all across the world.      如果20世纪的历次战争,尤其是新近在科索沃地区和波斯尼亚爆发的战争,能够让我们得到某种教训的话,我们从中得到的启示应是:由于捍卫了我们的价值观并领导了自由和和平的力量,我们才达到了目标。我们必须坚定勇敢地拥抱这个信念和责任,在语言和行动上与我们的同盟者们站在一起,领导他们按这条道路前进;循着在全球经济中以人为本的观念,让不断发展的贸易能够使所有国家的所有人受益,在全世界范围内提高他们的生活水平和实现他们的梦想。

  Third, we must remember that America cannot lead in the world unless here at home we weave the threads of our coat of many colors into the fabric of one America. As we become ever more diverse, we must work harder to unite around our common values and our common humanity.      第三,我们必须牢记如果我们不团结一致,美国就不能领先世界。随着我们变得越来越多样化,我们必须更加努力地团结在共同价值观和共同人性的旗帜下。

  We must work harder to overcome our differences. In our hearts and in our laws, we must treat all our people with fairness and dignity, regardless of their race, religion, gender or sexual orientation and regardless of when they arrived in our country, always moving toward the more perfect union of our founders' dreams.      我们要加倍努力地工作,克服生活中存在的种种分歧。于情于法,我们都要让我们的人民受到公正的待遇,不论他是哪一个民族、信仰何种宗教、什么性别或性倾向,或者何时来到这个国家。我们时时刻刻都要为了实现先辈们建立高度团结的美利坚合众国的梦想而奋斗。

  Hillary, Chelsea and I join all Americans in wishing our very best to the next president, George W. Bush, to his family and his administration in meeting these challenges and in leading freedom's march in this new century.      希拉里、切尔西和我同美国人民一起,向即将就任的布什总统、他的家人及美国新政府致以衷心的祝福,希望新政府能够勇敢面对挑战,并高扛自由大旗在新世纪阔步前进。

  As for me, I'll leave the presidency more idealistic, more full of hope than the day I arrived and more confident than ever that America's best days lie ahead.      对我来说,当我离开总统宝座时,我充满更多的理想,比初进白宫时更加充满希望,并且坚信美国的好日子还在后面。

  My days in this office are nearly through, but my days of service, I hope, are not. In the years ahead, I will never hold a position higher or a covenant more sacred than that of president of the United States. But there is no title I will wear more proudly than that of citizen.   我的总统任期就要结束了,但是我希望我为美国人民服务的日子永远不会结束。在我未来的岁月里,我再也不会担任一个能比美利坚合众国总统更高的职位、签订一个比美利坚合众国总统所能签署的更为神圣的契约了。当然,没有任何一个头衔能让我比作为一个美国公民更为自豪的了。   Thank you. God bless you, and God bless America.   谢谢你们!愿上帝保佑你们!愿上帝保佑美国!

我是深圳派2!Yeah!请笑对每一天哦,因为哪里都有阳光!:)
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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:52:45 | 显示全部楼层

威廉·福克纳获诺贝尔文学奖受奖演说

威廉·福克纳获诺贝尔文学奖受奖演说 Speech Accepting the Nobel Prize in Literature December 10, 1949 in Stockholm Sweden

 

  威廉·福克纳(William Faulkner,1897-1962)美国作家,生于美国密西西比州新奥尔巴尼的一个庄园主家,南北战争后家道中落。   第一次世界大战期间,福克纳在空军服过役。战后入大学,其后从事过各种职业并开始写作。《士兵的报酬》(1926)发表后,福克纳被列入"迷惘的一代",但很快与他们分道扬镖。《萨拉里斯》(1929)问世之后,福克纳的创作进入高峰斯。他发现"家乡那块邮票般大小的地方倒也值得一写,只怕一辈子也写不完"。怀着这样的信念,他把19篇长篇和70多篇短篇小说纺织在"约克纳帕塌法世系"里,通过南方贵族世家的兴衰,反映了美国独立战争前夕到第二次世界大战之间的社会现实,创伤了20世纪的"人间喜剧"。长篇小说《喧哗与骚动》和《我弥留之际》(1930)、《圣殿》(1931)、《八月之光》(1932)、《押沙龙,押沙龙》(1936)等现代文学的经典之作。   福克纳后期的主要作品有《村子》(1940)、《闯入者》(1948)、《寓言》(1954)、《小镇》(1957)和《大宅》(1959)等。此外还有短篇小说、剧本和诗歌。   福克纳虽是南方重要作家,但他的作品当时并不受重视,直到1946年美国著名的文学批评家马尔科姆·考莱编选了《袖珍本福克纳文集》,又写了一篇有名的序言之后,福克纳才在文坛上引起重视。特别是萨特、马尔洛等人的赏识,使福克纳名声大噪。   在艺术上,福克纳受弗洛伊德影响,大胆地大胆地进行实验,采用意识流手法、对位结构以及象征隐喻等手段表现暴力、凶杀、性变态心理等,他的作品风格千姿百态、扑朔迷离,读者须下大功夫才能感受其特有的审美情趣。   1949年,"因为他对当代美国小说作出了强有力的和艺术上无与伦比的贡献",福克纳获诺贝尔文学奖。

I feel that this award was not made to me as a man, but to my work -- life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit, not for glory and least of all for profit, but to create out of the materials of the human spirit something which did not exist before. So this award is only mine in trust. It will not be difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it commensurate with the purpose and significance of its origin. But I would like to do the same with the acclaim too, by using this moment as a pinnacle from which I might be listened to by the young men and women already dedicated to the same anguish and travail, among whom is already that one who will some day stand where I am standing.

Our tragedy today is a general and universal physical fear so long sustained by now that we can even bear it. There are no longer problems of the spirit. There is only the question: When will I be blown up? Because of this, the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart in conflict with itself which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about, worth the agony and the sweat.

He must learn them again. He must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid; and, teaching himself that, forget it forever, leaving no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart, the universal truths lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed -- love and honor and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice. Until he does so, he labors under a curse. He writes not of love but of lust, of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value, of victories without hope and, worst of all, without pity or compassion. His griefs grieve on no universal bones, leaving no scars. He writes not of the heart but of the glands.

Until he learns these things, he will write as though he stood among and watched the end of man. I decline to accept the end of man. It is easy enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will endure: that when the last ding-dong of doom has clanged and faded from the last worthless rock hanging tideless in the last red and dying evening, that even then there will still be one more sound: that of his puny inexhaustible voice, still talking. I refuse to accept this. I believe that man will not merely endure: he will prevail. He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance.

The poet’s, the writer's, duty is to write about these things. It is his privilege to help man endure by lifting his heart, by reminding him of the courage and honor and hope and pride and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past. The poet's voice need not merely be the record of man, it can be one of the props, the pillars to help him endure and prevail.

我是深圳派2!Yeah!请笑对每一天哦,因为哪里都有阳光!:)
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 楼主| 发表于 2005-1-18 16:53:36 | 显示全部楼层

乔丹退役演说

Jordan Retirement

I am here to announce my retirement from the game of basketball. It won't be another announcement to baseball or anything to that nature.

Mentally, I'm exhausted, I don't feel I have a challenge. Physically, I feel great. The last time in 1993 I had other agendas. I felt that I wanted to play baseball and I felt that at my age, it was a good opportunity and time to do it. And with the death of my father, and I was basically trying to deal with that.

Actually I talked to Jerry last year once the season ended and I told Jerry at that time, mentally, I was a little exhausted. I didn't know if I would play next year. I wanted to put him on awareness so that he could possibly prepare going into next season. And Jerry, once we had our conversation, wanted me to take time as I did in 93 to make sure that it was the right decision because it was going to be the final decision.

I retired the first time when Phil Jackson was the coach. And I think that even with Phil being the coach I would have had a tough time, mentally finding the challenge for myself. Although he can somehow present challenges for me. I don't know if he could have presented the challenge for me to continue on to this season." Even though middle way of this season I wanted to continue to play a couple more years, but at the end of this season I was mentally drained and tired. So I can't say that he would have restored that.    I will support the Chicago Bulls. I think the game itself is a lot bigger than Michael Jordan. I've been given an opportunity by people before me, to name a few, Kareem Abdul Jabbar, Doctor J, Eljohn Baylor, Jerry West. These guys played the game way before Michael Jordan was born and Michael Jordan came on the heels of all that activity. Mr Stern and what he's done for the league, gave me an opportunity to play the game of basketball. I played it to the best I could play it, I tried to enhance the game itself. I've tried to be the best basketball player that I could be.

  我在这里宣布从篮球场上退役,而且这次退役后不会再去从事棒球或其他类似的运动。

  由于精神上很疲惫,我感到自己非常缺乏挑战力;体力倒还不错。1993年那次退役时我有其他计划:想打棒球,我这个年纪正是从事棒球事业的极佳时机。而且父亲刚好去世了,我只想尽力去面对这一切。

  事实上,去年赛季刚结束时,我和杰里谈过一次。我告诉他我精神上有些疲惫,不知到下一年还能不能打。我想让他意识到这一点,以便为下一赛季做准备。杰里--有一次我们谈过这个问题--让我要象93年那样,好好考虑,以便作出明智的决定,因为这将是最后决定。

  第一次退役时费尔·杰克逊是教练。但我觉得既使本赛季他还担任教练,我也会很困难,内心里,我已感受到了挑战。当然无论如何,他都会给我一些应对方法的。我不知到他是否还有办法使我打完这一赛季。在本赛季中间我还想着再打几年呢,但当赛季结束时,我却感觉精神枯竭,疲惫。因此我确实不能说他会使我恢复精力。   

  我将支持芝加哥公牛队,我认为比赛本身比迈克尔·乔丹重要得多。我的很多机会都是篮球前辈们给的。我这里指出一些: 贾巴尔,J博士,韦思特。这些人早在乔丹出生前就活跃在赛场了。迈克尔·乔丹只不过是继承了他们的传统。斯特恩先生及其为联盟做出的贡献给了我打篮球的机会。我已尽我最大能力打球,我想努力推动比赛本身的发展。我一直在努力,尽我所能成为最好的球员。

我是深圳派2!Yeah!请笑对每一天哦,因为哪里都有阳光!:)
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